NEW INVESTIGATION: Did Soros Foundation Money Travel Through Charities Into the 2024 Presidential Race?
Full investigation with receipts
🔗https://t.co/csj3Sh4cCI
Money you can deduct on your taxes is supposed to fund charity, not campaigns. Here's a trail that runs from a tax-deductible donation to a presidential super PAC — entirely on public IRS returns.
The rule it tests is simple. A 501(c)(3) charity takes deductible dollars but can't spend on politics. A 501(c)(4) can spend on politics but offers no deduction. So when charitable money passes from a (c)(3), through intermediary charities, into a (c)(4) that spends it on campaigns, a tax-deductible dollar has been turned into political spending. That is the line §4955 of the tax code exists to police — and the intermediaries here are two charitable networks, Arabella and Tides.
Here's where the returns say the money went. Two George Soros private foundations sent $92,465,850 to the Arabella charities — New Venture, Hopewell, and Windward. Those same charities moved $343,967,196 to the Sixteen Thirty Fund, a 501(c)(4) political arm.
On a separate path, a Soros foundation routed money through the Tides Foundation, which sent $842,000 directly across the charitable-to-political line into that same fund.
Two further routes added more: Open Society Policy Center, a Soros-affiliated 501(c)(4), gave $68,150,000 directly, and Tides Advocacy, another Soros-linked political fund, added $4,169,700. In all, $417,128,896 reached the Sixteen Thirty Fund.
Now the last step. The Sixteen Thirty Fund and an affiliated political fund sent $13,739,642 to a federal super PAC — about 59% of its itemized receipts. The PAC spent $19,799,415 naming federal candidates, including $12,718,076 supporting the 2024 Democratic presidential nominee.
That closes the chain: charity → charity → political fund → super PAC → the presidential race. A tax-deductible foundation dollar at the top. Federal campaign spending at the bottom. Every rung on a public return.
Every step is permissible in isolation. A foundation may grant to a charity; a charity may grant to a 501(c)(4); a 501(c)(4) may spend on politics. But assembled from the returns, the sequence shows tax-deductible foundation dollars moving step by step toward candidate-directed federal spending.
The question the rules exist to answer: were charitable assets, in substance, converted into political campaign spending? Only the IRS can see the grant agreements and donor records that settle it — and the findings have been referred there.
I'm a forensic accountant and a registered Democrat. I follow the documents, not the politics. Every figure here is from the organizations' own IRS returns.
Full chain, line by line, with sources:
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