Using Artificial Intelligence (AI) for Academic Writing: How not to cross the line
Artificial Intelligence is transforming academic writing, helping researchers write faster, brainstorm ideas, improve language, and overcome writer's block.
But where does ethical AI use end and academic misconduct begin?
✅ Use AI to:
• Improve grammar and clarity
• Generate outlines and structure
• Summarize literature
• Refine academic language
• Brainstorm research ideas
❌ Avoid using AI to:
• Fabricate data or references
• Write entire manuscripts without critical review
• Generate fake citations
• Misrepresent AI-generated content as your own original work
• Bypass university or journal AI policies
Save this post for your next writing session and share it with a fellow researcher who uses AI tools.
Bayes’ theorem is probably the single most important thing any rational person can learn.
So many of our debates and disagreements that we shout about are because we don’t understand Bayes’ theorem or how human rationality often works.
Bayes’ theorem is named after the 18th-century Thomas Bayes, and essentially it’s a formula that asks: when you are presented with all of the evidence for something, how much should you believe it?
Bayes’ theorem teaches us that our beliefs are not fixed; they are probabilities. Our beliefs change as we weigh new evidence against our assumptions, or our priors. In other words, we all carry certain ideas about how the world works, and new evidence can challenge them.
For example, somebody might believe that smoking is safe, that stress causes mouth ulcers, or that human activity is unrelated to climate change. These are their priors, their starting points. They can be formed by our culture, our biases, or even incomplete information.
Now imagine a new study comes along that challenges one of your priors. A single study might not carry enough weight to overturn your existing beliefs. But as studies accumulate, eventually the scales may tip. At some point, your prior will become less and less plausible.
Bayes’ theorem argues that being rational is not about black and white. It’s not even about true or false. It’s about what is most reasonable based on the best available evidence. But for this to work, we need to be presented with as much high-quality data as possible. Without evidence—without belief-forming data—we are left only with our priors and biases. And those aren’t all that rational.
At university, our economics lecturer, who shall remain anonymous, taught us that South Africa had deindustrialised and its economy had become concentrated in the financial sector because it had “matured”—and this was inevitable. Over the years, I’ve since learned that this was some weapons-grade bullshit.
In a paper titled Deindustrialisation and Financialisation: Two Sides of the Same Coin? Professor Imad Moosa debunks the idea that deindustrialisation is a “natural evolution” of advanced economies.
Since the 1990s, the post-Apartheid State has liberalised capital flows, allowing profits to flee rather than reinvest domestically. Slashed tariffs, exposing local industries to premature foreign competition. Adopted inflation targeting, prioritising financial stability over industrial growth. Dismantled industrial policy, leaving the economy at the mercy of global markets.
The outcome? A hollowed-out industrial base, a bloated financial sector, and an economy where making money from money is more lucrative than making actual goods.
Let us be clear: South Africa did not “naturally” deindustrialise. This wasn’t an evolutionary phase of economic development. It wasn’t the inevitable march of progress from smoke and steel to massages with happy endings and EasyEquities portfolios. It was the result of deliberate policy choices.
South Africa’s deindustrialisation was the intentional dismantling of productive capacity, sacrificed on the altar of free markets, foreign investment, and financial “innovation.”
Deindustrialisation—presented as inevitable or even desirable—is, in fact, a politically driven phenomenon. And South Africa embraced it willingly, under the tutelage of post-Apartheid technocrats who mistook capital flows for development.
As I have argued elsewhere, financialisation is a product of public policy choices motivated by a race among the political elite to serve the financial oligarchy.
Since the 1990s, the South African State has liberalised capital accounts, cut tariffs, and adopted inflation-targeting as dogma. In the process, it castrated its industrial policy and ceded control of the economy to bankers, consultants, and asset managers where profits come from trading paper rather than making things and wages stagnate while executive compensation soars.
The result? An overgrown financial sector feasting on high returns while factories shut down, skills decline, and youth unemployment becomes a permanent feature of the economic landscape.
We now live in a country where prestige is measured not in what you build but in the size of your investment portfolio. Where manufacturing engineers retrain as financial analysts. Where, in Moosa’s biting sarcasm, “deindustrialisation involves the replacement of engineers with exotic dancers.”
This is not the rational unfolding of economic history—it’s the outcome of policy decisions favouring capital over labour, speculation over production, and short-term gains over national development.
The apologists will say, “There was no alternative.” They’ll point to the end of sanctions, to capital flight, to the pressures of globalisation. And, yet, countries like China, Vietnam, Indonesia, and South Korea found ways to industrialise amidst the same global turmoil.
These nations didn’t throw open the gates without first building local capacity. South Africa, by contrast, opened its markets and financial systems wide—before it had built an industrial foundation worth defending.
Meanwhile, our banks are among the most profitable in the world relative to GDP. But what do they finance? Consumption. Loans. Imports. Not factories. Not R&D. Not productive capacity. We are left with a lopsided economy where even domestic capital extracts profits without reinvesting in the real economy.
Financialisation has also warped corporate behaviour. Firms that once made things now chase profits through share buybacks, property portfolios, and offshore arbitrage. Engineers and technicians are retrained into pricing derivatives.
The result is a steady siphoning of talent, capital, and imagination out of the productive economy—and into the casino of global finance.
This is not just bad economics. It’s a betrayal of the post-Apartheid promise: a high-wage, industrialised economy built on dignity and inclusion. Instead, they built a fragile house of cards—dependent on imported goods, extractive finance, and the hope that the next ratings agency downgrade won’t hit too hard.
It’s time to stop pretending this is working.
South Africa needs more than another five-point plan or glossy investment conference. It needs a rupture—a decisive rejection of the financialised growth model and a return to strategic industrial policy grounded in the realities of our energy crisis, labour market, and global constraints. That means:
Addressing economic challenges effectively by curbing financial speculation and redirecting capital toward long-term investments that foster sustainable growth. This requires rebuilding the State’s capacity to coordinate and fund industrial development, ensuring that strategic sectors receive the necessary support.
The State must target crucial sectors of the economy to develop specific industries and move up the value chain (going from low-value activities to higher-value activities within the production and supply chain) by providing cheap loans and subsidies to manufacturing companies.
Investments should focus on labour-intensive industries with significant multiplier effects, such as nuclear technology, agroprocessing, and manufacturing, to create jobs and stimulate broader economic activity.
Additionally, education and vocational training systems must be reformed to align with the demands of a productive economy, equipping workers with relevant skills.
Finally, democratic control over key economic levers—including monetary policy, public finance, and industrial strategy—must be reasserted to ensure that economic decisions serve the public interest rather than narrow financial elites.
Financialisation and deindustrialisation are not twin curses that befell South Africa by accident. They are the legacy of a generation of technocrats who mistook deregulation for development and of political elites who outsourced their imagination to the markets.
So no, Professor who shall not be named—South Africa didn’t deindustrialise because it “matured.” It wasn’t nature. It was negligence. It was not evolution—it was ideology dressed up as inevitability.
As Prof Imad Moosa makes clear, this wasn’t a gentle economic transition but a full-scale policy-driven pivot from building things to betting on things. It was a country auctioning off its future for capital inflows and credit ratings.
Unless we abandon the fiction that markets know best, we will continue watching this house of cards collapse—one ratings downgrade, one shuttered factory, one jobless graduate at a time.
Reference: https://t.co/KN0CILY6Tc.
Jabulani awoke one morning to find that the world had shifted beneath him. It was not a violent shift, but a slow, insidious one, as though the ground had been replaced by a vast, invisible web of numbers and transactions...🧵🧵
How I lost money on this project? 😏
1) I am a technical guy who didn't know contracts.
2) The client knew I could do and finance the job and that I had an issuance he can claim from (A Jewish client).
3) I was running three projects at a time of the total value of 13 million rands.
4) I though everyone has good intentions. (employees, clients and services providers) I was a softy and very trusting.
5) I bought equipment cash: I had the money plus I was investing in my business. I had no time to hire things. I just bought them.
6) The client was paying well on other two projects which were nearing completion. Then as soon as I submitted my finally claim certificate on the other two that's when problems started.
7) He pushed me to use the money from the other two projects to speed this one up. I went in with ALL the money. Paid for concrete, rebar and earthworks. Then submitted a 1,2 million invoice. Which he usually paid without a challenge. Then I heard the man is in Israel and I would have to wait for him to come back.
8) The guys who work on site too me to CCMA. I was popular there cause I had more than 50 guys working on my sites which I couldn't pay cause the guy went on holiday.
9) I then started being called names like Monkey: from nowhere. That's when I brought the lawyers in.
10) I lost even more money there cause somehow the lawyers were not taking my instructions serious. Now that was the end of my construction company. I was hell. I still pass the completed building I never got paid for.
The bitter truth is that 'Black professionals' are not out there looking for solutions to the problems facing Africans. They're simply hustling to make enough money so those problems no longer apply to them.