One day the river will over flow
And there'll be nowhere for us to go
And we will run, run
Wishing we had put out the fire.
Àṣà saw the future about 20yrs ago.
"Fire On The Mountain"
There is fire on the mountain
And nobody seems to be on the run
Oh there is fire on the mountain top
And no one is running
I wake up in the morning
Tell you what I see on my TV screen
I see the blood of an innocent child
And everybody's watching
@Arsenal@thedavidseaman Kindly do stuffs like this for 22dyas or 22weeks to cover for those 22years of waiting. It will be worth it.
Thank you for your attention to this matter.
Why Couldn’t Nigeria Build What Iran Built Under Sanctions?
Aside from the obvious fact that Iran is not just an old country but one of the world’s oldest continuous civilisational states, with a deep cultural memory and a durable sense of historical self, the real difference may be simpler: when pressure comes, Iran can still fall back on an idea of itself as a nation, while Nigeria too often falls back on its fragments. Iran itself is ethnically diverse, but it has preserved a rich political and cultural continuity stretching back to the Achaemenian period, and modern sanctions against it have been layered on for decades, from the post-1979 rupture with the United States to the far tighter multilateral restrictions of the nuclear era.
Nigeria, by contrast, has still not fully agreed to be a nation in the emotional sense. What we have often done instead is elevate a hierarchy of competing loyalties: place of origin, ethnic group, faith, and only then the republic. We magnify these attachments when convenient and weaponise them when useful. Even the language of national belonging is frequently conditional, activated less by shared civic purpose than by the proximity of one’s own section of the country to power.
A few years ago, I was in London with friends from different Nigerian ethnic backgrounds when the subject of patriotism came up. A British friend asked what Nigeria meant to us, and the answers around the table were tellingly different. I told him then that loyalty to the Nigerian state is, for many people, rarely a first instinct. For many, it comes after loyalty to community, religion, or ethnicity. That may sound harsh, but it is not wholly detached from what survey evidence has found: Nigerians often express tolerance for diversity and many say there is more that unites them than divides them, yet experiences of ethnic discrimination weaken national belonging, and groups that feel excluded from central power are more likely to prioritise ethnic identity over national identity.
True to that sentiment, the most vocal patriot at that table that day happened to share an ethnic, religious, and regional affinity with the president of the day. So we teased him that his nationalism was animated by the feeling that the Nigerian state had become legible to him through the man in charge. He was patriotic, yes, but in the way many of us are patriotic: when the centre feels familiar, when power sounds like our language, prays like us, or comes from our own corner of the map.
We singled out another friend at the table as almost constitutionally incapable of that kind of patriotism, not because he was deficient in civic sense, but because he came from a bloc whose relationship with the Nigerian centre had long been defined by frustration, ambition, and failed bids for national power. For such a person, national identity can feel less like a common inheritance than a waiting room for other people’s victories. That, too, is part of our problem: too many of us experience Nigeria not as a shared home, but as an arena in which our “public” must capture the state before the state becomes ours.
That is why sanctions do not produce the same political psychology everywhere. In countries with a strong civic core, external pressure can trigger a rally-round-the-flag effect, however temporary. This is because the people recognise the flag as theirs. In a country where national identity is thin, pressure does not necessarily produce cohesion; it can intensify competition among internal factions, each of them calculating survival and advantage through narrower loyalties.
1/2
I've been analyzing the stock market for 50 years
I manage billions of dollars
and I'm an expert in macroeconomics
Here's exactly what will happen from here with the Iran situation:
I have no fucking idea
Awolowo Remains the Preeminent Hero
Note:
Professor Toyin Falola, University Distinguished Teaching Professor and holder of the Frances and Jacob Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at The University of Texas at Austin
KAN U BELIEVE IT TB Historical moment Timeless legacy signing for the best club in the world . grateful for the journey, the opportunity, and the memories that followed after this great day @arsenal@premierleague#london#thankgod#africa#legend#nigeria
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