๐ฎ๐น EMIGREREN NAAR ITALIร? ONTDEK DE FISCALE VOORDELEN!
Italiรซ LIVE webinar:
๐ 18 november 2026
๐ข 19:30 โ 22:00 uur
๐ฅ Inclusief opname, presentatie en uitgebreide Q&A
Link in bio en/of eerste comment.
Recently I told you there are two kinds of people in this system: cynics and believers.
Ursula von der Leyen, I put her with the believers. And that's exactly why you need to understand how the machine works.
Because cynics are very rare. Soros, I put him in that category: he knows exactly what he's doing, and he has never hidden it.
He read Popper, he has a theory of change, and he understood early on something the right still hasn't figured out: you don't change a society by winning an election. You change it by funding, for thirty years, the people who will write the reports, train the lawyers, and advise whoever wins the elections.
$24 billion spent by Open Society since its creation. More than 50,000 grants. In 2015, he wrote in plain text that the EU must accept at least a million asylum seekers a year, and mobilize NGOs, churches and businesses to take them in.
All of it is public. That's the most impressive part.
Here's how the system got hacked, in three steps.
Step one: selection.
Nobody recruits idiots. No need. The money does the selecting on its own.
A grant never goes to the person who doubts. It goes to the person who already believes. Repeat that over thirty years and tens of thousands of grants, and you get an entire ecosystem where the free thinker was filtered out at the door. He wasn't fired. He just never got funded.
What's left: people who are sincere, credentialed, conformist, and whose paycheck depends on the cause.
Step two: funding manufactures conviction.
Try explaining something to someone whose paycheck depends on not getting it.
The NGO produces a report. The report gets cited by an expert. The expert testifies before the Commission. The Commission turns it into a directive. And the NGO guy ends up in a cabinet, then goes back to a foundation.
Everyone knows each other, cites each other, funds each other. It's an echo chamber with a budget.
Step three: emotion.
You never debate results. You debate intentions.
One photo beats a thousand statistics. Every objection backed by numbers becomes a moral failing. And when reality contradicts the narrative, the dissonance always gets resolved the same way:
"It's a necessary evil."
"It's collateral damage."
"The real problem is elsewhere."
Immigration is never a problem. The problem is your perception.
The result: the system doesn't produce corrupt people. It produces NPCs. People reciting a script while convinced they wrote it themselves.
Ursula doesn't need to be bought. She has spent her entire career in an environment where every expert, every report, every "civil society" group tells her the same thing. She is convinced she's on the side of good. And that's what makes her immune to facts.
And the best part of the story: Soros isn't even the system's biggest funder anymore.
You are.
Between 2021 and 2023, โฌ7.4 billion in EU funds went to more than 12,000 NGOs. The European Court of Auditors itself says it can't get a reliable picture of who gets what.
The hack worked so well that the machine now runs on your taxes.
This is not a conspiracy. A conspiracy hides. Here, the amounts are public, the op-eds are public, the recipients are public.
It's an incentive system. And you don't fight an incentive system by insulting the believers. You fight it by cutting off the tap and demanding total transparency: who funds whom, to say what.
As long as it stays opaque, they'll keep shipping believers at scale.
A short history of the current monetary system.
In 1907, a liquidity panic froze New York's credit markets. J.P. Morgan personally organized a private bailout, which worked, but the banking cartel used the crisis as a prop. They needed a lender of last resort, meaning they needed someone else to absorb their losses. Congress gave them the Federal Reserve in 1913, a central bank dressed up in public interest language that was written largely by the bankers it was supposed to supervise.
Then came the war. World War One gave European governments the excuse to suspend gold convertibility and print the money the fighting required. The Fed expanded credit aggressively to finance U.S. war bonds. That expansion did not vanish after the Armistice; it metastasized into the credit bubble of the 1920s. When the bubble collapsed in 1929, the Fed tightened into the contraction and turned a sharp recession into a catastrophe.
By 1933, Roosevelt made it permanent, criminalizing private gold ownership under Executive Order 6102 and confiscating metal at $20.67 per ounce before revaluing it to $35. Citizens lost roughly 41% of their gold's purchasing power overnight by order of their own government.
World War Two completed the centralization. At Bretton Woods in 1944, the dollar became the world's reserve currency, technically convertible to gold at $35 per ounce for foreign governments only. The U.S. now had the exorbitant privilege of printing the reserve currency, and it spent accordingly, running guns, soldiers, and welfare programs on paper promises.
By the late 1960s, France noticed the gap between printed dollars and actual gold and started converting. Nixon stopped this by closing the gold window on August 15, 1971. Pure fiat with no anchor whatsoever. The last thread snapped without a vote, without a constitutional amendment, by executive press conference on a Sunday evening.
The 2008 crisis showed what fiat enables at scale: the Fed created $1.3 trillion in new reserves between September and December 2008 alone to rescue institutions that had bet recklessly. In 2020, the Fed expanded its balance sheet by over $3 trillion in three months. You paid for that through every price you saw rise in 2021 and 2022.
Each crisis produced new powers. Each new power survived the crisis that justified it and became the baseline for the next expansion.
On and on we go; where we will stop, no one knows.
The only mistake sound-money economists have ever made is underestimating banks' and the Fed's ability to kick the can down the road and come up with new, innovative ways to expand the money supply and steal from citizens.
The Weimar hyperinflation of 1923 wasn't just an economic crisis; it was the systematic destruction of Germany's middle class and the social order that held society together. When the government chose to finance its deficits by printing money rather than raising taxes or cutting spending, it unleashed a monetary catastrophe that would reshape German society forever.
By November 1923, it took 4.2 trillion marks to buy a single US dollar. Teachers, engineers, and civil servants who had saved their entire lives watched their nest eggs become worthless overnight. A lifetime of prudent saving couldn't buy a loaf of bread, while speculators and debtors who had borrowed heavily found their debts evaporated by inflation.
The psychological trauma went far deeper than the economic devastation. The German middle class had built their identity around thrift, hard work, and delayed gratification. Values that hyperinflation made not just useless but actively harmful. Those who had played by the rules were punished, while those who abandoned fiscal responsibility were rewarded.
This wasn't merely monetary policy gone wrong, it was the foundation for the political extremism that would follow. When money loses meaning, society loses its anchor, and people become desperate enough to embrace radical solutions. The lesson remains: sound money isn't just about economics, it's about preserving the social fabric itself.
Income tax is theft.
The Sixteenth Amendment passed in 1913 as a wartime revenue measure, sold to Americans as a modest levy on the very wealthy. The top rate sat at 7 percent. Wilson's government promised restraint.
That restraint didn't even last a decade.
By 1944, the top marginal rate hit 94 percent. Today the federal income tax alone reaches 37 percent at the top bracket, and that figure ignores payroll taxes, state income taxes, and the inflation tax the Federal Reserve quietly runs in parallel. You hand over, depending on your state, somewhere between 40 and 55 cents of every marginal dollar earned.
The mechanism is simple: governments never surrender revenue streams voluntarily. What legislators frame as temporary always calcifies into permanent infrastructure, complete with its own bureaucracy (the IRS now employs 90,000 people) and its own enforcement apparatus.
Your labor is property. Compulsory extraction of that property at gunpoint is confiscation. Who receives the payment does not change the nature of the transaction.
Pol Pot. This piece of shit killed an estimated 1.7 million Cambodians between 1975 and 1979, somewhere between 25 and 33 percent of the entire population. He did this by applying an ideology to its logical conclusion. Ideology always has a conclusion; socialism's conclusion is death.
The Khmer Rouge abolished money in 1975. Completely. Banks closed. Markets dissolved. Currency became contraband. They then abolished private property, forcibly relocated urban populations to collective farms, and set central planners the task of organizing rice production for the entire nation. The result was predictable: mass starvation beside the rice fields. Planners cannot coordinate production without prices. Prices require private property and voluntary exchange.
Pol Pot studied in Paris during the 1950s, absorbing French Communist Party doctrine and Maoist agrarianism. Western universities provided the intellectual scaffolding for the killing fields. Coercion requires enforcers, tribunals, and eventually mass graves; Cambodia's are at Choeung Ek.
Every collectivist experiment reaches this same point, because central planners cannot solve what free exchange solves automatically every second of every day.
History will remember two men as the ones who exposed the empire of lies: Javier Milei and Nayib Bukele.
For decades, the same class of experts, NGOs, think tanks and international institutions told us two things were impossible.
That you could kill inflation without destroying a country.
That you could kill violent crime without "addressing root causes" for another 30 years.
Milei took the first one.
Argentina, December 2023: inflation over 200% a year, 25% in a single month. A central bank printing money to fund a state that had become a vote-buying machine. Every economist on TV predicted a social explosion if anyone touched it.
He cut the number of ministries in half. He balanced the budget in his first year. Monthly inflation went from 25% to under 2%. Poverty, which peaked at 52.9% right after the devaluation, fell to 28%, the lowest since 2018. It's not a straight line, poverty ticked back up this year, and he says so himself. But the point is proven: the "impossible" was possible all along.
The lesson is brutal. Endless money printing was never a technocratic necessity. It was a hidden tax on the poor, quietly paying for the people who designed the system and lived off it.
Bukele took the second one.
El Salvador, 2015: 106 homicides per 100,000 people. The most violent country on earth outside a war zone. Gangs ran neighborhoods, taxed every bus driver and every street vendor, and decided who lived and who died.
El Salvador, 2025: 1.3 per 100,000. Lower than the United States.
Every international expert said it couldn't be done. The NGOs called it barbaric. Salvadorans re-elected him with over 80% of the vote, because they're the ones who used to bury their kids.
And now his helicopters are in Haiti, pulling his own soldiers out of gang territory, telling the gangs: we finished with ours, we can finish with you.
So ask yourself the real question. If it was this simple, why didn't anyone do it?
Because an entire ecosystem lived off the problem.
Inflation funded the state that funded the clients that funded the elections. Crime created fear, and fear created demand for programs, consultants, studies, panels, subsidies and "experts" who never had to deliver a result. In Latin America it was the gangs. In the West it's mass immigration with no integration and crime with no consequences. Different symptom, same business model: the problem is never solved because too many people are paid to manage it.
Milei and Bukele didn't just fix two countries. They published the proof. Every politician who still says "it's complicated" now has to explain why a guy with a chainsaw and a guy with a baseball cap did in two years what they couldn't do in forty.
Thank you Javier Milei. Thank you Nayib Bukele.
The world is going to heal with your solutions.
Europe is next. We're waiting.
Keynes gave governments the intellectual permission slip they had always wanted:
Spend during recessions, stimulate demand, prime the pump, and prosperity follows. It doesn't work. Ludwig von Mises explained exactly why before the ink on the General Theory dried.
The core Keynesian error is treating consumption as the engine of wealth. Keynes fixated on aggregate demand, the total spending flowing through an economy, as the variable governments must manage. Boost it artificially, and you rescue the economy. Production precedes consumption. You cannot spend your way to wealth any more than you can eat your way to a full refrigerator.
Government stimulus spending doesn't create resources. It redirects them. When Washington borrows a billion dollars and injects it into infrastructure or green energy, it pulls that capital away from whatever private actors would have funded. The seen benefit (the bridge, the solar panel factory) obscures the unseen cost: the businesses never launched, the technologies never developed, because the capital was conscripted first.
Keynes also treated interest rates as a policy lever rather than a price signal. Central banks suppress rates below what the market would set, and businesses respond by launching long-term projects that the actual pool of savings cannot support. Mises called this the business cycle. Cheap credit manufactures a boom built on false signals. When the central bank eventually tightens, the malinvestments collapse. The 2008 housing crash followed this script precisely: a decade of Federal Reserve rate suppression funded mortgages the underlying economy could never sustain.
The Keynesian model endures politically because it flatters the powerful. Every recession becomes a reason to spend more, hire more bureaucrats, and expand government reach. Mises simply followed the incentives and found the fraud.
The men who wrote the Constitution owned guns, distrusted bankers, and believed taxation without consent was worth dying over. They would not recognize the country operating under their name today.
Federal spending crossed $7 trillion per year. The income tax, which the founders explicitly rejected, now reaches into every paycheck you earn before you touch a dollar of it. The Federal Reserve, a central bank of the exact type Jefferson warned would strip citizens of property through inflation, has spent the last two decades aggressively expanding the money supply and handing you the bill through rising prices.
The founders drew the federal government's powers in a short, specific list. Congress could coin money, raise an army, and regulate interstate trade. What it could not do is not in that list, because the founders assumed the limits were obvious. They were wrong to assume that.
Today the federal government licenses your profession, subsidizes your competitor, dictates your health plan, and surveils your financial transactions above $600. The administrative state, staffed by unelected bureaucrats at the FDA, SEC, EPA, and an estimated 430 other agencies, writes rules carrying the force of law without a single congressional vote. Madison called this precise arrangement tyranny in The Federalist Papers(No. 47).
The founders risked hanging to escape a government that taxed tea at 3%. You hand over 30 percent of your income and are supposed to thank the state for the privilege of keeping the rest.
โAls je die regeling afschaft, moeten kinderen bij de overdracht van het bedrijf meteen dat Pro-tarief van 33 procent aftikken. Er is geen land in Europa dat dat doet.โ
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