The Unyielding Father

Never give up on your children. The law isn't on our side but we can talk about and expose behaviors of mothers who use their kids as weapons.

[The Unyielding Father @UnyieldingDad]

@I_Am_Ilemona He was loyal and too trusting, does that make him a fool? Maybe!

[Catholic Arena @CatholicArena]

🚨 Pope Leo XIV has sent a WARNING to migrants, telling them how to behave when they arrive into new countries:

'Learn its language, to respect its laws, to get to know its customs, to participate in communal life and to offer your gifts with gratitude'

[L E S E D I @_Hybreed_]

Supa Mega 🇿🇦🇿🇦🇿🇦

[The Unyielding Father @UnyieldingDad]

@Pedi_hun Its a very stressful build up to tonight

[The Unyielding Father @UnyieldingDad]

@gofishh77 Beautiful!

[The Unyielding Father @UnyieldingDad]

@cnehshuga They were the philosophers and psychologists of school

[The Unyielding Father @UnyieldingDad]

@omgsidewalks It depends

[The Unyielding Father @UnyieldingDad]

@FrancoisvdMerw2 @NixPret They stole it, they have need trying to steal it for years

[Ines San Martin @inesanma]

Not a single dry eye in Barcelona's Olympic Stadium, where Pope Leo is leading a prayer vigil and responding to questions from young people.

A young woman asked Pope Leo XIV how she could forgive her father after he tried to kill her mother, and where God was when she suffered as a child.

“So many crime reports, even today,
reflect a toxic climate in family relationships marked by abuse and oppression and, in particular, by
violence against women, which unfortunately often leads to femicide. We are all called to address
this dramatic reality, both personally and as a society, because we are responsible for confronting it
in all its dimensions. We cannot attribute to God what has been entrusted to our responsibility; we
cannot imagine that God, from on high, will automatically respond to our needs or miraculously
prevent evil from happening.”

On forgiveness, Pope Leo offered hope:

“We must learn to view forgiveness — that powerful remedy for evil that heals our inner wounds — as part of a process and a journey.”

“This is a long journey and a process that requires great patience.”

[The Unyielding Father @UnyieldingDad]

@News24 You are not a credible news source

[The Unyielding Father @UnyieldingDad]

@msresii Please lets not manifest loss out of fear of happiness, we deserve all the joy and happiness.

[The Unyielding Father @UnyieldingDad]

@Mikedotcoza That's a great idea! Too bad we won't get our way

[The Unyielding Father @UnyieldingDad]

@rahtiwary @UnmodernmanBot Maybe the actual problem is the number of foolish people you keep around your otherwise I don't see how you get to complete isolation

[𐙚⋆ @voidwithverses]

“The same God that doesn't answer your prayers right away, is the same God that doesn't punish you right after you sin.”

— Rumi

[The Unyielding Father @UnyieldingDad]

@JadeK526 He is a liar but the lack of dna evidence is concerning but also what was he doing when they got shot cause from what I understand he was a the kennels. Its just a mess

[Farida Bemba Nabourema @Farida_N]

I've just published "South Africa Is Expelling Africans Today. Ghana, Nigeria, Mauritania, Gabon Did It Yesterday. When Will We Stop?"

In this piece, I examine the mechanism through which African governments have, across decades and across borders, converted their own failures into someone else's presence. Xenophobia in Africa is not a South African pathology. It is a continental pattern grounded in our colonial and postcolonial history.

"The pattern is always identical. The corruption, the mismanagement of state resources, the growing public discontent are always prior, and the xenophobia is always subsequent. But to stop the analysis at corruption and mismanagement is itself a form of incompleteness, because in many of these cases the domestic political class was not operating in a vacuum. It was operating within a macroeconomic framework designed and actively promoted by international financial institutions whose structural adjustment programmes, from the 1980s onward, systematically dismantled the public sectors, the price controls, the subsidies and the developmental state instruments that postcolonial governments had built, however imperfectly, as buffers against exactly the kind of mass precarity that makes scapegoating politically viable.

The corruption of the governing class accelerated what structural adjustment had already set in motion. Together, they produced populations with shrinking economic futures, collapsing public services and a legitimate fury that had to go somewhere. The scapegoating of foreigners is the political management of that fury, a management whose actual causes, both domestic and international, the governing class has every incentive to obscure and every institutional capacity to redirect.

The Mechanism in Its Full Ugliness

The mechanism is always the same, and it has three stages. First, a political class extracts from the public resources it was entrusted to develop, operating within and actively enabled by global economic policies that structural adjustment programmes from the 1980s onward had already hollowed out from the inside, dismantling price controls, privatising public utilities, cutting subsidies and removing the developmental instruments that had given postcolonial states whatever limited capacity they possessed to absorb economic shocks and protect their populations from the worst consequences of commodity dependence and external debt. The conditions of unemployment, poverty, infrastructure failure and social precarity that result are therefore never purely the product of domestic corruption alone. They are the joint product of domestic predation and an international economic order that has long extracted more from Africa than it has returned.

Second, the frustration produced by these compounded conditions is redirected, through political rhetoric, media framing and the deliberate mobilisation of existing social anxieties about belonging and scarcity, toward a visible and vulnerable population that can be blamed for conditions it did not create and from which it has, in most cases, also suffered.

Third, the political class that produced the conditions escapes accountability, because the public conversation has been successfully redirected toward the scapegoat, and the structural analysis that would implicate both the domestic governing class and the international economic arrangements that sustain it never gains sufficient traction to become politically dangerous to either.

Foreigners are the ideal scapegoat for this mechanism because they are precisely visible enough to be identified and precisely powerless enough to be attacked without political cost. They do not vote. They have limited legal protections. They often lack the community networks that would enable organised resistance. And they can be portrayed, with just enough superficial plausibility to be politically effective, as competitors for the jobs, the housing, the commercial opportunities and the public services that the corruption of their host governments has made genuinely scarce. The Ghanaian or Zimbabwean street vendor in Johannesburg did not create South African unemployment, just as the Nigerian trader in Accra did not create Ghana’s economic difficulties in the 1960s. In each case, migrants became convenient targets for crises they neither caused nor controlled.

The Real Author of African Poverty

Across generations and across borders, African governments have demonstrated a remarkable talent for dissipating public wealth, a talent that might inspire admiration were it not responsible for so much human suffering(...).

Before European partition, people moved across this continent with a freedom that the artificial precision of colonial cartography was specifically designed to destroy. The borders that today separate Ghana from Togo, Nigeria from Niger, South Africa from Zimbabwe were not drawn by the people who lived on either side of them. They were drawn in Berlin in 1884 by men who sorted human communities, languages, ethnic groups and centuries of shared civilisation into administrative units according to the logic of European imperial competition and not the logic of African human geography.

Postcolonial politics transformed these imposed borders into the primary unit of belonging, and African governments have enforced them against their own continental siblings with a thoroughness the colonisers who drew them would have found entirely satisfying. The Ewe, Dagomba and Akan, divided between Ghana, Togo, Benin and Côte d’Ivoire by lines drawn in Europe by men who could not have named their villages. The Hausa and the Fulani, split between Benin, Nigeria, Cameroon and Niger. The Wolof, parcelled between Senegal and Gambia. The Tswana divided between Botswana and South Africa. The Swazi between Eswatini and South Africa. The Ndebele between Zimbabwe and South Africa. The Lozi between Zambia and Botswana. The Chewa between Malawi, Zambia and Mozambique. The Maasai split between Kenya and Tanzania. The Somali fragmented across Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti, a dispossession so complete that it contributed directly to a century of conflict that the international community has consistently misread as tribal pathology rather than colonial cartography.

These communities did not become South African or Botswanan, Nigerian or Nigerien, Kenyan or Tanzanian because their histories pointed in that direction. They became so because partition required it, and because postcolonial governments, having inherited the colonial state’s territorial logic, chose to reproduce it rather than interrogate it. Communities that predate the borders defining them were made foreigners in landscapes their ancestors had shaped for centuries. And the governments presiding over that dispossession have had the audacity, at every xenophobic crisis, to invoke the language of African brotherhood.

We did not create these borders. But we have used them to dispossess, expel and scapegoat each other with a consistency that serves the interests of every corrupt government on this continent and the interests of no ordinary African people anywhere.

The Moral of a History Nobody Wants to Own

No African government raising its voice against the xenophobic violence in South Africa today has clean hands. Ghana expelled half a million people while its own governance failures went unexamined. Nigeria expelled two million while its oil revenues were being systematically looted. Zambia, Senegal, Côte d’Ivoire, Mauritania, Gabon: every corner of this continent has, at some moment of economic or political stress produced by the failures of its own political class, reached for the same instrument. The foreign national as the answer to a question whose real answer would require the powerful to account for themselves.

This is the function that xenophobia serves in the political landscape of African governance, and it is a function that will continue to be served as long as African populations can be induced to direct their frustration downward toward the most vulnerable people among them rather than upward toward the class that has consistently failed them(...).

Read full piece:
https://t.co/X8tQKGzgxl

[The Unyielding Father @UnyieldingDad]

@MDNnewss Screen them against what exactly, if a person has never been here before what will they be checking against, do we have access to data and biometrics from other countries? Wonder how this will all work

[PSAFLIVE @PSAFLIVE]

South Africans have started a Petition for the Disbandment of the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC).

https://t.co/cHcdiKbSaO
Do you agree with this move?

[PABLO @WonderMahlobo]

Laws exist for a reason. Why is South Africa the only country in the world expected to allow people to come into this country illegally?