If you read one column today, make sure it is this one by Dr @MiftahIsmail. We need a rational national debate on the ideas in this column. I shall be discussing them in detail on my show on @Express247PK in coming days.
https://t.co/fcXDrjoq8I
Op-Ed: "The real reset needed is not a redrawing of boundaries but a transformation of governance — bringing government closer to citizens, enabling the private sector and ensuring continuity in economic reforms."
https://t.co/orOfSkiIut
Op-Ed: "Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi has rightly diagnosed Pakistan’s poor performance. But will his prescription — the creation of 12 or 32 provinces and administrative units — take us towards inclusive and sustained economic growth?"
https://t.co/orOfSkiIut
Politics of the Big Tent.
From the Democrats and Republicans in the United States to the PPP, PML-N and PTI in Pakistan, the very diversity that makes big-tent parties electorally powerful can also become their greatest vulnerability.
https://t.co/rzLuD2yUpX
Op-ed:
"The ultimate message of the Makkah Agreement is that the region is secure only when every country located in it is safe and when a culture of cooperation replaces one of confrontation."
https://t.co/oLqvdM0GSP
In a well-informed column @Fahdhusain tells us what is about to happen. It seems that the 28th amendment will finally transfer power to the people, the most important step of a federal system. I copy below two of Fahd’s 10 points.
2. An empowered local government system is now inevitable. PML-N, PPP and PTI have resisted this reform for years for no other reason than their selfish political interests, but that resistance is now at its end. Punjab, probably the worst offender, has already sanctioned twelve billion rupees for holding local government elections. It is however too late. The weak forms of LGs legislated by the four provinces are likely to be replaced with legislation that will change not just the mode of elections, but also the role of LGs armed with significantly greater powers. Second irony: people will gain at the expense of political parties.
3. Additional administrative units are a work in progress, which means the final shape of things may not be well, final. Do political parties have the option of saying thanks but no thanks? For now, it appears not. Whatever negotiation has to happen, has to happen before the new constitutional amendment is tabled in the parliament. The drafters have learned lessons from the passage of the 26th Amendment as well as from the Punjab canals episode, and would prefer not to have any political stakeholder create a public fuss.
https://t.co/JFkLyjtUhD
Historically, Western states have acquiesced in Pakistan’s possession and maintenance of nuclear weapons, largely in the context of its rivalry with India and stated self-defence needs. However, deeper integration into Middle Eastern and broader global security frameworks could generate greater Western pressure, including through international institutions, to constrain Pakistan’s nuclear weapons, missile technology and ballistic programmes. Such pressure could directly threaten Pakistan’s sovereignty and security.
https://t.co/ZbB7THyK81
Op-Ed: "The gravest damage was done not by generals or bureaucrats but by judges. The judiciary was meant to be the citizen’s shield — the one institution whose purpose is to say no to power on the authority of law. But it too was a colonial inheritance, and carried the reflex in its bones: under the Raj it had served the sovereign, not the subject, and at independence it transferred that loyalty from the departed Crown to the new establishment, not the people. So when the tanks rolled, the courts, again and again, said yes."
https://t.co/UnifCddHCH
Op-Ed: "The Makkah defence pact could draw Pakistan’s armed forces into conflicts in which the country has historically maintained neutrality. Such commitments could stretch military resources, create fatigue, and increase vulnerability to Indian or Afghan opportunism and adventurism."
https://t.co/fMZPQjH5OI
Mekke Anlaşmasının Özeti:
170 nükleer savaş başlığı 🇵🇰
G20 üyeliği 🇸🇦🇹🇷
OPEC liderliği 🇸🇦
NATO üyeliği ve NATO’nun en büyük ordularından biri 🇹🇷
Toplam 3 trilyon dolarlık ekonomik büyüklük 🇵🇰🇸🇦🇹🇷
1.000 savaş uçağı 🇵🇰🇸🇦🇹🇷
Ordularda toplam 2 milyon personel 🇸🇦🇹🇷🇵🇰
7.000 tank 🇸🇦🇹🇷🇵🇰
90 bin zırhlı araç 🇸🇦🇹🇷🇵🇰
34 denizaltı 🇹🇷🇵🇰
500 savaş ve deniz platformu 🇸🇦🇹🇷🇵🇰
Toplam 4 milyon kilometrekare yüzölçümü 🇸🇦🇹🇷🇵🇰
Yakında Suudi Arabistan ve Türkiye için F-35 🇸🇦🇹🇷
"We have signed that any attack against Saudi Arabia or Pakistan will be attack against Turkey. We will use all resources at our disposal to help our brothers."
- Turkish Foreign Ministry
My take on Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Turkey Joint defence pact
The year was 2019, and Pakistan found itself trapped in one of the most delicate diplomatic balancing acts in its recent history. Two of its closest strategic partners Saudi Arabia and Turkiye had drifted onto opposite sides of an expanding geopolitical divide.
Islamabad ultimately withdrew from the Kuala Lumpur Summit after Riyadh viewed the gathering as an attempt to establish a parallel Islamic bloc outside the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC).
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan would later publicly reveal that Pakistan had pulled out under Saudi pressure, warning that refusal could have carried serious economic consequences.
Seven years later, the geopolitical landscape looks dramatically different.
https://t.co/u3vcqzWMfQ