AKS 🇮🇳

A Proud Hindu Nationalist. A Veteran. Love Reading fav SRG, RS, KE. Among TLs TI & Abhas.

[Divya Kumar Soti @DivyaSoti]

ये वो सरकार है जो अपने समर्थकों को अपनी ही दिहाड़ी आईटी सेल से ट्रोल कराती है। और इसके कैबिनेट मंत्री दो दिन के वामपंथी लड़कों को बगल में ड्राइंगरूम में बिठा कर उनकी मांगे सुनते हैं। इनका सारा अहंकार बस अपने ही समर्थकों और शुभचिंतकों के लिए है।

[ProudHindu @proudhindu_live]

20.7.1990- Bhikhiwind (Amritsar)- A minibus going from Bhikhiwind to Patti was forcibly stopped by Khalistani Sikh terrorists near Vil. Kacha Pucca and all 7 Hindus travelling in the bus were told by the terrorists to get down from the bus. They wanted to kill all 7 Hindus. Sensing trouble, all Hindus started running in different directions. Terrorists fired at them , killing Sh. Kishori Lal. Remaining 6 Hindus managed to escape. That time another bus of Punjab Roadways also arrived there. Luckily there was no Hindu in that bus. The terrorists set that bus on fire.

2. Kurali (Ropar)- Thakur Rattan Singh who was @RSSorg Tehsil Sangh Chalak was shot dead at 5.30 in the morning while going to Shaka. 2 terrorists fired 5 rounds of AK 47 at him. He had been receiving threats continuously but despite that he had not stopped going to Shakha. Hope present crop of @RSSorg and @BJP4India leaders who are out to please the radicals, remember the sacrifices of RSS workers like him.

Homage to 2 Hindu martyrs on their martyrdom day 🙏🏻🙏🏻

[Ajeet Bharti @ajeetbharti]

अब मुझे यह समझ में नहीं आ रहा कि सरकार ने UGC पर इंगेज नहीं किया, CBSE/NEET पर जब बोलना था, तब एक शब्द नहीं बोला, आज कैसे थूक चाटने लगे?

यही बात तो पार्टी के समर्थक सात महीने से बोल रहे थे। पूरा कम्यूनिकेशन ब्लैकआउट किया, मीडिया में अपने प्रवक्ताओं को भेजना बंद किया, हाउस अरेस्ट कराया, सुप्रीम कोर्ट से स्टे के बाद से ऐसे जताया कि उपकार कर दिया हो, आज घुटनों पर आ गए?

यही इस सरकार का पैटर्न बन चुका है। फोड़े को बवासीर बनने देते हैं, फिर जब लगता है कि अब मामला हाथ से निकल गया, तब झुक कर बात मानने को तैयार हो जाते हैं।

सुबह के 11 बजे तक यह आंदोलन सरकार के हिसाब से चल रहा था, नियंत्रण में था। अब यह स्पष्ट है कि नड्डा के घर बुलाने और तीन माँगें सुनने के बाद, तिलचट्टों का विश्वास आकाश पर है और वो CAA, किसान आंदोलन की तरह, भारत को नया, फर्जी आंदोलन देने जा रहे हैं।

अब मुझे देखना है कि माँगों पर सरकार करती क्या है! आत्महत्या करने वालों के परिजनों को एक करोड़ की माँग उचित है, क्योंकि अधिकांश पेपर लीक के कारण ही ‘सॉरी’ लिख कर मरे। दो अन्य माँगों में से एक प्रधान के त्यागपत्र की है, जो होना तो जनवरी में ही था, पर ईगो के कारण आज तक खींच लाई सरकार।

प्रधान अब इनके गले की फाँस बन चुका है।ये हर वो चीज करते हैं, जिसका इन्होंने पहले विरोध किया पर वामपंथी इनसे करवाते हैं। ‘कास्ट सेंसस’ ये राहुल के कहने पर करा रहे हैं, और प्रधान अब तिलचट्टों के कहने से जाएगा।

इनकी पुलिस आज फिर पिटी है, जैसे लाल किला वाले आंदोलन में पिटी थी। आईटीसेलिए फिर से विक्टिम बने घूम रहे हैं और यह पूछ रहे हैं कि ‘क्या ऐसे लोग विद्यार्थी हैं’? फिर अपने मालिक से पूछो न कि क्यों नड्डा से मीटिंग को तैयार हो गए?

जब सरकार अपने समर्थकों पर थूकती है तब उन्हें दूसरों का थूका चाटना ही पड़ता है।

[Sridhar Vembu @svembu]

Last week, I was fortunate to visit the workshop (the Tamil word pattarai பட்டறை is so appropriate) of the leading motor designer in the world Morihiro Saito-san.

Saito-san is 80+ and still designing advanced motors, some of the most advanced in the world. His modest looking workshop is right next door to a company that builds out those motors in prototype quantities and he works closely with them to get them built. I visited as an industrial "pilgrim", with as much devotion as I go to the Thoranamalai Murugan Temple at home. When I saw him at work, I was moved to touch his feet.

Saito-san, the God of motors, is how Japan is able to retain its global prominence in so many foundational industries.

We need to learn from that spirit. We need to revive our "pattarai" culture of building things - every village in India needs such workshops!

My industrial pilgrimage to Japan has given me new vigor 🙏

[Āryā_Anvikṣā 🪷 @Arya_Anviksha_]

Khalra was not some innocent activist. In this video, he openly worships Bhindranwale as “Sant” and screams for carving Punjab out of India.

Also, his own published writings destroy any pretense, he was a rabid advocate pushing Khalistan as the non-negotiable political destiny for Sikhs.

In the early 1990s, Khalra founded and edited the propaganda rag Liberation Khalistan. He viciously slammed any Sikh who dared participate in Indian elections, calling it outright betrayal and slavery. He thundered that the Sikh nation demanded nothing less than a sovereign, independent Khalistan.

[Āryā_Anvikṣā 🪷 @Arya_Anviksha_]

Movies like Satluj won't show you this.

They won't show you that on this day, 7th July 1987, Hindu passengers travelling towards Rishikesh being lined up and massacred by Khalistani Commando Force (KCF) terrorists simply because they were Hindus.

They won't show you that within 24 hours, more than 72 innocent Hindus were s1aughtered in coordinated bus attacks

But don't be surprised if one day they make a film portraying "Kulwinder Singh Mahi" the mastermind of the Lalru massacre as nothing more than a "victim of an extrajudicial klling"

[Shirish Chaudhry @ShirishC2102]

https://t.co/IzQXmnonDV
SSP Gobind Ram ... his young son was shot dead. He himself killed by terrorists but till his last breath fought to save India & Punjab. Just like SSP AS Sandhu. Where VULTURES like Khalra hid THEN? @diljitdosanjh @Hardisohi @BDUTT @GulzarPoetry @bainjal @SaketGokhale

[We, the People of India @India_Policy]

SSP Ajit Singh Sandhu was sent to the border district of Taran Taran, the epicenter of Khalistani Terrorism where there was no writ of law.

Punjab is the only State where the Police and not the Army defeated Terror and without the cover of AFSPA.

Officers like Sandhu, abandoned by the State had to give up their life in the service of the State and the Nation.

Punjab is at peace today only because of the countless sacrifices by the men of Punjab Police.

[The Jaipur Dialogues @JaipurDialogues]

So Proud!

First time Ever for Bharat

Not many people know about this, RT Max to make it reach their timeline🔥

[Neeraj Singh Dogra 🇮🇳 @dogra_ns]

Raja Gulab Singh refused to join the military campaign planned by Maharani Jind Kaur and Wazir Lal Singh after the murders of his son Raja Hira Singh Dogra, his nephew, and Pandit Jalla. These events had deeply strained relations within the Lahore Darbar.

Raja Gulab Singh advised Maharani Jind Kaur not to cross the River Sutlej and confront the British, reminding her that Maharaja Ranjit Singh had entered into an agreement with the British under which the Sutlej was recognized as the boundary. Ignoring this counsel, the Lahore Darbar proceeded with the campaign and suffered defeat.

Earlier, Maharani Jind Kaur and Maharaja Duleep Singh had been protected by Raja Suchet Singh, the brother of Raja Dhyan Singh. Jind Kaur wished to appoint Raja Suchet Singh as Wazir in place of Raja Hira Singh Dogra. However, Raja Suchet Singh was later killed during the political turmoil that engulfed the Lahore Darbar.

After losing two brothers, two sons, and a nephew to the intrigues and violence of the Lahore Darbar, Raja Gulab Singh still remained loyal to the Sikh Empire. Even several British accounts acknowledged his loyalty to the Lahore Darbar during its most difficult period.

The real betrayal, according to many historians, came from Wazir Lal Singh. To satisfy the British demand for war indemnity following the First Anglo-Sikh War, he agreed to cede the territories between the Ravi and Jhelum rivers. These lands included the Dugar region and the jagirs associated with Raja Hira Singh, Raja Gulab Singh, Raja Dhyan Singh, and Raja Suchet Singh. In effect, much of the Dogra-held territory was surrendered.

Maharaja Gulab Singh then negotiated with the British to recover these ancestral Dogra lands. Rather than receiving them as a gift, he paid 75 lakh Nanakshahi rupees to acquire them. The Treaty of Amritsar formalized this arrangement.

To understand the full story, one must examine the historical record. The Dogras were among the strongest pillars of the Lahore Darbar, and many argue that the empire’s decline accelerated after the elimination of key Dogra leaders from positions of power. @ManishTewari

[shristi @shristin2u]

The Mughal invasions of India commenced in the 10th century, while Sikhism was established in 1699. Historical records indicate that Hindu communities engaged in conflict with the Mughals for a period spanning seven centuries.
After the death of Aurangzeb in 1707 the Mughal Empire had started declining, nine Mughal emperors followed one another in quick succession in the fifty years following the death of Aurangzeb. One can readily comprehend the duration of the wars between the Sikhs and Mughals.
The Hindu: Bhai Sahib Chand, Daya Ram, Dharm Das, Mohkam Chand, and Himmat Rai laid the foundation of the Khalsa Fauj, and Hindu mothers gave their eldest sons to the Khalsa Fauj to strengthen it. Had these Hindus mothers known that six generations of their Sikh sons would hate six generations of their Hindu sons, they would not have given their sons to the Panth.

[Arti Singh @ArtiSin29366363]

@ajeetbharti शायद ज्यादातर लोगों को यह भी नहीं पता होगा कि वहां से लगभग 10 किलोमीटर की दूरी पर लव-कुश की जन्मस्थली और महर्षि वाल्मीकि जी का पावन आश्रम, Ram Tirath Temple स्थित है। स्थानीय लोग तो जाते हैं, लेकिन बाहर से आने वाले अधिकांश पर्यटक वहां तक झांकने भी नहीं जाते।

[PK_World 0.3 @PiyushT70574810]

@ajeetbharti पर पाकिस्तान में मुजरा करते हैं

[History इतिहास 🇺🇲🛕 🚀 @ShreeHistory]

How Britain Engineered History’s Greatest Financial Heist

By @shreehistory

I. The Stroke of Midnight

At the stroke of midnight on August 14, 1947, as the world watched the Union Jack descend over New Delhi and the saffron, white, and green of a new nation unfurl, history recorded a triumph of self-determination. The British Empire, exhausted by war and weakened by the inexorable tide of nationalism, was relinquishing its crown jewel. The romanticized narrative of the 20th century tells us that Britain granted India its freedom, an act of political magnanimity marking the end of colonial dominion.

But beneath the pageantry of lowering flags, the soaring rhetoric of Jawaharlal Nehru’s "Tryst with Destiny," and the chaotic tragedy of Partition, a very different kind of transfer was taking place. It was not a transfer of political power, but of financial liability.

In the quiet, wood-paneled chambers of the British Treasury and the Reserve Bank of India, a ledger was being closed. To the accountants and chancellors in London, Indian independence was less a geopolitical retreat and more a Chapter 11 bankruptcy filing, a meticulously orchestrated maneuver by which Britain effectively declared independence from its own creditor.

The colonizer owed the colonized a staggering fortune. And the colonizer was broke.

II. The First Extraction and the Silencing

To understand the audacity of the financial maneuvering of 1947, one must look back to the blueprint drafted three decades earlier, during the First World War. The great financial heist of the mid-century was not an anomaly; it was the perfection of a formula born in the trenches of Europe, paid for in the fields of Bengal.

When the First World War erupted in 1914, Britain found itself in desperate need of men, material, and money. It turned to its empire. India was coerced into contributing hundreds of millions of pounds to the British war effort, alongside the lives of over a million Indian soldiers. To finance this, the British Raj effectively commandeered India’s export earnings and heavily increased taxation, flooding the domestic economy with paper currency while draining its physical gold reserves. Britain abandoned the gold standard, but India was forced to maintain it, absorbing the inflationary shock.

By the war's end, the economic strain on the Indian populace was immense. Prices of essential goods had skyrocketed, and the returns on the capital extracted for the war were nowhere to be seen. As the Indian public began to realize the scale of this economic theft, dissent began to boil. Nationalist leaders pointed to the economic drain, exposing the arithmetic of imperial exploitation.

London’s response was not to remedy the extraction, but to legislate silence. In 1919, the British government passed the Anarchical and Revolutionary Crimes Act, widely known as the Rowlatt Act. The Act allowed for the incarceration of suspects without trial and curbed the free press, specifically targeting the dissemination of seditious materials, which in practice meant anyone explaining how the British were bankrupting the country. When protests erupted against this silencing, the British military responded with the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in Amritsar, killing hundreds of unarmed civilians.

The message was unequivocal: the colony would pay, and it would suffer in silence. The economic truth was to be suppressed by force. It was a precedent that would prove vital 28 years later, when the sums involved would be exponentially larger.

III. The Blank Check of World War II

By the time the Second World War began, the British Empire was already financially strained. The defense of the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and the British Isles required capital that London simply did not possess. Once again, the British turned to the vast, seemingly bottomless reservoir of the Indian economy.

To fund the massive mobilization of troops, the provisioning of armies, and the purchase of raw materials, the British Raj essentially wrote itself a blank check against the Indian taxpayer. India was declared a "non-self-governing territory" contributing to the war effort, but instead of paying India in hard currency for the goods and labor extracted, Britain credited the Reserve Bank of India with pounds sterling. These were not transferable funds; they were essentially IOUs, piling up in London as "Sterling Balances."

The human cost of this capital extraction was catastrophic. The most visceral manifestation of this economic drain was the Bengal Famine of 1943. While the British Treasury accumulated sterling balances, the diversion of grain and the financial extraction policies led to the starvation of an estimated two to three million people in Bengal. The Indian taxpayer was literally funding the survival of the British Empire with their lives and their livelihoods.

By 1945, the sheer scale of this extraction was breathtaking. Britain owed India roughly £1.3 billion. To comprehend the magnitude of this sum, one must view it not through the lens of modern consumer inflation, but as a share of the economy. In 1947, £1.3 billion represented roughly 13.5 percent of Britain’s entire Gross Domestic Product. If the British Treasury were forced to write a check for that proportion of its economy today, it would need to find approximately £350 billion.

It was a sum so massive that paying it in full would have instantly bankrupted post-war Britain, a nation that was, at that very moment, surviving on American Marshall Plan aid and rationed bread. The colonizer owed the colonized. And the colonizer had no intention of paying in full.

IV. The Safety Valve and the Negotiation

Facing the prospect of domestic economic collapse, the British government executed an audacious maneuver. The transfer of power in 1947 was not merely a political act; it was a financial release valve.

There is a historical curiosity, often unspoken in popular narratives, that complicates the story of India’s independence. The Indian National Congress (INC), the primary vehicle of Indian nationalism and independence, was not born from a grassroots peasant uprising, but was initially floated by a British colonial official, Allan Octavian Hume, in 1885. Historians have long debated the "safety valve" theory: the idea that Hume and the Viceroy engineered the creation of the INC to provide a controlled, institutional outlet for the rising frustrations of the Western-educated Indian elite, preventing a violent, uncontrollable rebellion.

While the INC evolved into a formidable force for independence under Mahatma Gandhi and Nehru, the institutional DNA of the organization was steeped in British legal and political frameworks. When it came time to negotiate the financial settlement of 1947, the lingering effects of this "safety valve" dynamic became apparent.

The negotiations over the Sterling Balances were brutal, conducted behind closed doors by the British Labour government’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir Stafford Cripps, and the Indian delegation led by Nehru and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. Britain argued that a sudden withdrawal of £1.3 billion would crash the pound sterling, bankrupt the Sterling Area, and trigger a global financial crisis. The threat was explicit: if India demanded its money, the ensuing chaos would ensure India received nothing.

India was in a state of profound vulnerability. The subcontinent was engulfed in the horrific trauma of Partition; millions of refugees were on the move, and the new government was struggling to establish basic administrative continuity. In this moment of existential crisis, the Indian leadership accepted terms that effectively castrated its own wealth.

The 1947 agreement dictated that the vast majority of the £1.3 billion would be "blocked." Only a fraction was immediately released; the remaining £1.15 billion was locked in London, to be doled out in agonizingly slow installments over a decade or more. Worse, the agreement stipulated that these blocked balances would earn little to no interest. By accepting this compromise, the post-colonial government effectively agreed to a structural haircut on the asset, surrendering the real-time economic utility of the money to save the British economy from default.

The safety valve had, once again, operated exactly as designed.

V. The Alchemy of Devaluation

With India's massive claim successfully trapped in the vaults of the Bank of England, Britain weaponized the only tool it had left: the currency itself.

Having forced India to accept deferred payments, Britain engineered a stealth default through the alchemy of foreign exchange. On September 18, 1949, just over two years after Indian independence, the British government unilaterally announced a massive devaluation of the pound sterling. The pound’s value against the US dollar was slashed overnight from $4.03 to $2.80, a devaluation of 30.5 percent.

Because India’s sterling balances were, by the very terms of the 1947 agreement, denominated in pounds, this overnight maneuver was an economic earthquake. It instantly vaporized almost one-third of the purchasing power of the money owed to India. If India wanted to use those sterling balances to buy American machinery, Canadian wheat, or Swiss capital goods, they would find that nearly a third of their money had vanished into the ether.

Britain, on the other hand, enjoyed a sudden, massive windfall. The real value of the debt owed to India was slashed by a third with the stroke of a pen. India was bound by the Sterling Area agreement and had to devalue the rupee proportionately, tying its currency to the declining fortunes of the British pound and further devastating its import capacity. It was a financial ambush, executed with the cold precision of an actuary.

VI. The Central Bank’s Quiet Payout

As if this financial evisceration was not sufficient, the final insult was administered at the very heart of India’s financial system.

The Reserve Bank of India (RBI), the nation's central bank, had been established in 1935 under British colonial rule as a privately owned entity. Its shareholders were a mix of private banks, financiers, and investors, a group that included substantial British and colonial-era capital.

Just after independence, the Indian government recognized the strategic necessity of nationalizing the central bank. The RBI (Transfer to Public Ownership) Act was passed in 1948, and the bank was officially nationalized on January 1, 1949.

The terms of this nationalization reveal a profound asymmetry in the post-colonial transition. When the Indian government took ownership of the RBI, it did not simply seize the assets. It compensated the private shareholders handsomely. Under Section 4 of the 1948 Act, the compensation was calculated not at a discounted state rate but based on the average market price of the shares on the Bombay Stock Exchange during the months preceding the Act. Because RBI shares, with a face value of one hundred rupees, were trading at a premium of roughly fifty percent on the open market, the total payout from the Indian exchequer to the 500,000 private shares was approximately 7.5 crores.

But the generosity of the settlement did not end with a cash buyout. Under Section 4(2) of the Act, the shareholders were given the option to take their compensation in Government of India promissory notes bearing a guaranteed interest rate of three percent per annum. This was a staggering mechanism of financial alchemy. The British and colonial-era investors were effectively allowed to convert their equity in India's central bank into risk-free sovereign debt backed by the newly independent Indian taxpayer. They could hold these 3 percent government papers and collect a perpetual stream of interest, ensuring that the extraction of wealth from the subcontinent continued long after the political transfer of power.

The juxtaposition is staggering, bordering on the absurd. Private shareholders of India’s central bank were paid out in full, at peak market valuations, and handed guaranteed interest-bearing bonds. Meanwhile, the Indian public, who had already paid for Britain’s survival in two world wars through forced extraction and inflation, was left holding devalued, blocked IOUs that had just lost a third of their value in the currency markets.

The private investors were made whole. The Indian public was made paupers.

VII. The Durgapur Paradigm: The Empire Strikes Back

The long shadow of this financial subjugation played out in the subsequent decades, dictating the trajectory of the newly independent nation’s development.

By the late 1950s, India had launched its Second Five-Year Plan, an ambitious push to industrialize. But the country was facing a severe balance-of-payments crisis. The sterling balances had been largely drawn down to pay for essential imports, and the country was running out of foreign exchange. India needed to build three major steel plants to fuel its industrialization. The Soviet Union stepped in to fund the Bhilai Steel Plant; West Germany funded the Rourkela plant. Britain, eager to maintain its commercial foothold, wanted the contract for the Durgapur Steel Plant.

Rather than releasing any lingering goodwill or acknowledging the massive debt still technically being dribbled out, Britain offered a new arrangement. In 1958, the UK government extended a fresh £100 million loan, a "new" line of sterling credit, to India.

This was not a repayment of the wartime debt; it was fresh financing. The British government essentially told India: We will lend you this new money, but you must use it to buy British goods. The money flowed straight back into the pockets of a British consortium of steelmakers, subsidizing the post-war British heavy engineering industry.

The Indian taxpayer, who had already funded the British war machine, was now taking on new debt to buy British machinery, because the money they were originally owed had been blocked, devalued, and structurally dismantled. The cycle of financial dependency had been perfectly preserved.

VIII. Amnesia and the True Cost of the Union Jack

Today, the historical amnesia surrounding these events is profound. The narrative of 1947 is frozen in the amber of political triumph: the lowering of the flag, the end of empire, the dawn of a new era. Mainstream histories focus on the geopolitical maneuvering, the tragedy of Partition, and the drafting of a constitution. The great financial heist remains obscured in the shadows of central bank archives and Treasury minutes.

The Indian population has been kept largely in the dark about the arithmetic of their own subjugation. The textbooks speak of the political transfer of power, but rarely of the transfer of financial liability. The £350 billion equivalent that was extracted, blocked, devalued, and systematically stripped of its value is a phantom limb in the national memory.

When the viceroys departed, Britain did not just walk away from the subcontinent; it walked away from an invoice it could not afford to pay. It declared independence from its own empire. Through a masterclass in financial engineering, leveraging the Rowlatt-era instinct for suppression, the "safety valve" of institutional compromise by a party supposedly fought for freedom and did deals behind the doors, the blunt instrument of currency devaluation, and the quiet payouts of risk-free bonds to colonial shareholders, Britain managed to offload the cost of its own survival onto the very people it had colonized.

Independence was not a gift. It was a getaway car. And the true price of the Union Jack's descent was paid not by the British taxpayer, but by the millions of Indians whose sweat and starvation funded an empire, only to be handed a worthless IOU in return.

References and Further Reading

Bhattacharya, S. (1997). The Colonial State and the Monetary System in India. Oxford University Press.
Bhowani, B. R. (1965). India's Sterling Balances. International Monetary Fund (IMF) Staff Papers, Vol. 12, No. 1, pp. 1-42.
Chandavarkar, A. (1989). The Imperial Bank of India and the Reserve Bank of India: A Study in Central Banking Transition. Oxford University Press.
Datta, B. (1949). The Devaluation of the Rupee. The Indian Economic Journal, Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 1-12.
Hume, A. O. (1885). The Indian National Congress: A Retrospect.
Keynes, J. M. (1946). The Balance of Payments of the United Kingdom.
Mukerjee, M. (2010). Churchill's Secret War: The British Empire and the Ravaging of India during World War II. Basic Books.
Reserve Bank of India. (1948). The Reserve Bank of India (Transfer to Public Ownership) Act, 1948. RBI Historical Archives.
Sarkar, S. (1989). Modern India: 1885-1947. Macmillan.
Tomlinson, B. R. (1979). The Political Economy of the Raj 1914–1947: The Economics of Decolonization in India. Macmillan.

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Twitter users can share, repost, like, comment but please provide attribution to @shreehistory who did all this research.

[Sridhar Vembu @svembu]

Sad to see this temple priest's plight. It is near my village in the Kumbakonam area. We will contact him and arrange for regular support.

I am also going to appeal to people who left all these villages: we abandoned our ancestral villages and abandoned our temples. Prosperity alone will not make us happy. We have to do our duty to our ancestral land and our kula devatas and grama devatas.

Our culture and spirituality have always emphasized simple living and high thinking - contentment at the core. That survived thousands of years but risks being swept away in the tsuami of modernity.

It is time for us to rethink, at least those of us with the means.🙏

[बबली R.C.Verma🚩 @BablieVG]

👉🏾 पहली बार मैंने देखा कि कोई शंकराचार्य सदानंद सरस्वती (द्वारकादिश मठ) अपने चांदी के सिंहासन को छोड़कर महीनों तक आदिवासी क्षेत्र में पैदल भ्रमण कर रहे हैं।
ईसाई मिशनरियों के कुचक्र को तोड़ रहे हैं आदिवासी बंधुओं को उनके मूल धर्म में वापस ला रहे हैं।

गुजरात के आदिवासी जिले डांग में जिस पर ईसाई मिशनरियों और इस्लामिक संगठनों की बुरी नजर थी जहां लालच देकर बड़े पैमाने पर धर्म परिवर्तन का काम हो रहा था वहां अब बड़े पैमाने पर ईसाइयों को मूल धर्म में वापस लाया जा रहा है हिंदू संस्कृति का प्रचार किया जा रहा है।

इस इलाके में द्वारिका शारदा पीठ के शंकराचार्य स्वामी सदानंद सरस्वती महीनों से जमीनी स्तर पर काम कर रहे हैं।

शंकराचार्य भोजन के लिए ऐसे ही चलते चलते किसी भी आदिवासी के घर में जाकर खाना मांग कर खा लेते हैं वहां शबरी पीठ को और बड़ा बनाया जा रहा है और आदिवासियों की आर्थिक उन्नति के लिए शैक्षणिक उन्नति के लिए भी द्वारिका पीठ द्वारा बड़े पैमाने पर काम किए जा रहे हैं।

कितने वर्षों में पहली बार मैंने देखा कि कोई शंकराचार्य महीनों से गुजरात के ईसाई मिशनरियों के सबसे ज्यादा प्रभाव वाले क्षेत्र डांग में डंटा हुआ है वहां कई मंदिरों का पुनर्निर्माण करवा रहे हैं।

गुरु जी के लिए कोटि कोटि प्रणाम है ... ❤🙏👌

#आर्यावर्त_का_अघोर_अतीत

[D C 🇮🇳 🏴󠁧󠁢󠁥󠁮󠁧󠁿 @David20247185]

😂😂😂

Who is she?

She just ripped the “warrior clan” to shreds 😂

[ANI @ANI]

#WATCH | Nagpur, Maharashtra | BrahMos Aerospace Chief Dr Jaiteerth Joshi and Solar Industries India Ltd flag off the 100th indigenous booster manufactured for the BrahMos Aerospace supersonic cruise missile

[Eminent Intellectual @total_woke_]

Civic sense of superior white race will never go viral on social media. But atleast we can share it!

[Ratan Sharda 🇮🇳 रतन शारदा @RatanSharda55]

यह पुस्तक @mariawirth1 जी की अंग्रेजी पुस्तक का अनुवाद है। अपने सत्य को खोजते हुए वे बीस वर्ष पहले भारत पहुंची और यहीं की हो गई। एक श्वेत पूर्व ईसाई होने के कारण वे पाश्चिमात्य दृष्टिकोण से समझ चुकी हैं कि "हिंदू धर्म पर मुसलमानों, ईसाइयों तथा वामपंथियों का आक्रमण क्यों?" यह पुस्तक उनका एक ईमानदार विश्लेषण है। मेरा उनसे कई बार मिलना हुआ है। अत्यंत सात्विक और भारत और सनातन को समर्पित महिला हैं। अतः यह पुस्तक अवश्य पठनीय है। 🙏