A

[A @auxtron]

@TheMaineWonk Feeling weird about that Stevens payout?

[Ryan Grim @ryangrim]

NEW: American Priorities, the anti-AIPAC PAC, is out with a mass fundraiser for all 103 Dems who voted to defund Israel: https://t.co/wOQJqdmFRn

[A @auxtron]

@KaramaSeal @amw3600 @BlackIntifada I agree. Saying less than 1% of Black Americans are in the military when thats also true of all racial designations in this country is a bad argument.

[A @auxtron]

@amw3600 @BlackIntifada Less than 1% of white Americans are in the military as well.

[A @auxtron]

@r0berto_mid_5 Didn’t she quit DSA?

[A @auxtron]

@LeftyTaurus89 Hopefully the Bernie/AOC rallies move the needle enough.

[A @auxtron]

@Only1Andrew_ For example:

[A @auxtron]

@Only1Andrew_ The costuming kind of has bollywood vibes

[A @auxtron]

@no_yimmy @Bulbasoros We can tear into each other in the forums.

[A @auxtron]

With all due respect congressman, while I respect your efforts, as a fellow Indian-American it’s high time that you let go of the neoliberal mythology of Gandhi. Non-violence is simply one strategy of liberation and it only works when there is an audience.

[Ro Khanna @RoKhanna]

I have great respect for @EmmaVigeland as a journalist who speaks truth to power & @infinite_jaz who literally puts his body on the line to prevent Palestinians from being beaten or killed day after day. I saw his courage with my own eyes on my trip.

I believe Palestinians have the right to dignity and statehood. I believe they have the right not to be beaten or occupied. The best way to achieve this is through non-violence and having America and the world recognize their claims to justice.

Gandhi succeeded. My grandfather spent four years in jail in that movement. King succeed. I believe with a new generation of young people in America seeing the moral stakes of this issue Palestinians will finally see justice.

Yesterday, we passed the Massie Amendment to zero out aid to Israel. Two members said to me their yes vote was partly because of what they saw happened during my trip to the occupied West Bank.

Anybody who thinks you have to go out of your way to get held up by a gang of extremists with M4s has no idea what is actually going on in the West Bank.

I hope that in the weeks ahead people will focus on the facts on the ground. We will be putting out videos and Op-Eds with Palestinians telling their own stories. I plan to tell their stories wherever I go in my district and country.

[Hammam Farah @HumHum83]

I searched a Gaza war crimes archive for my family.

I quickly realized I wasn’t using it the way most people would. I wasn’t browsing it as an activist, researcher or journalist.

I was looking for my family.

My heart sank as I filtered the archive by the dates we lost them and searched for someone I loved.

I found footage I hadn’t seen before of the bombing of the Church of St. Porphyrius, where my cousin Soliman was killed.

I searched for the day my great aunt Elham was murdered, and the day Nahida and Samar Anton were killed by Israeli snipers at the Holy Family Catholic Church.

Eyewitnesses told us Elham was crushed by an Israeli tank. I have graphic photographs of her body that were sent to me by church workers in Gaza, but I found no footage of what happened.

It made me wonder how many people died without leaving behind any visual record.

The realization stayed with me.

Here was a digital graveyard where pieces of my own family history are preserved for journalists, historians, truth seekers and, undoubtedly, those seeking to exploit or consume human suffering.

I know I won’t be the only person to experience this. Other Palestinians searching for loved ones almost certainly will too. But it struck me that this is a form of grief that could scarcely have existed before our time.

It’s a form of grief I never imagined could exist.

[A @auxtron]

@BrettErickson28 @lrozen Who knows anymore. Every competent military leader was fired a while ago.

[22 U.S.C. § 2304 @RefrmDemocracy]

Had Reynoso, Espaillat, and DeGette won their respective primaries, there would have been far fewer than 103 Democrats voting against aid to Israel.

[A @auxtron]

@michaeloburns Or eat the veggies and schedule a colonoscopy. Apparently it clears your bowels right out.

[A @auxtron]

@michaeldomps @Ericrse37986 There’s two types of people that call themselves moderates. Moderates that are politically informed and people who call themselves moderates as a hedge that are for the most part politically disengaged. The second group is very receptive to energized progressive message/policy.

[J. J. Ellis @jjellisart]

I said this about AI well over a year ago. Using it to diagnose and fire people with medical conditions so they lose their insurance AND their income is somehow even more heartless and evil than I’d predicted.

[Lyle Goldstein @lylegoldstein]

Pretty interesting analysis: "Liu Enzhi: Why Is the 'Left' Rising in a US Political Landscape Dominated by the Right? [title]

Recently, Janice Lewis-George, who identifies as a "democratic socialist," won the Democratic primary for mayor of Washington, D.C. Previously, Zohran Mamdani was elected under a similar label, and three left-wing candidates he supported won their Democratic primaries for the New York State Assembly, potentially paving the way for them to enter the legislature after the midterm elections. Why is there a "left-wing" resurgence amidst a US political reality dominated by the right?

This phenomenon has sparked varied reactions within the US political sphere. More conservative establishment figures within the Democratic Party worry about the rise of left-wing forces, fearing that the ascent of "democratic socialists" could harm their own political interests. Meanwhile, the Republican Party has used dramatic language—such as describing the trend as a "political earthquake" or a dire threat—highlighting the intensifying ideological divide between the two parties.

It is important to note that figures like Mamdani and Lewis-George cannot simply be equated with traditional Marxists or communists. As members of the "Democratic Socialists of America" ​​(DSA), they align more closely with the reformist traditions of European social democracy, focusing primarily on welfare-state-style reforms. Nevertheless, even this limited "shift to the left" holds symbolic significance within a US political spectrum that has long leaned to the right. In a country that has historically lacked a strong left-wing movement, these voices are gaining increasing support among urban voters—particularly young people and ethnic minorities. This trend reflects a deeper issue: the accelerating collapse of the "middle-of-the-road" approach that defined US politics for decades and the rapid rise of "polarized politics."

Historically, Western party politics has often oscillated between center-left interventionism and right-wing liberalism. When economic growth stalled, the right would take power to expand the "economic pie"; when the wealth gap widened, the left would step in to adjust the distribution of wealth. In this cycle, the policies of the two major US parties gradually converged: the center-left learned to foster capitalist enterprise, while the right began implementing social welfare measures, giving rise to the so-called "Third Way." However, this cycle has become unsustainable. Issues such as the wealth gap, industrial hollowing-out, and declining social mobility have exposed the fact that the rigid, status-quo-oriented approach of the traditional establishment can no longer address public demands. Consequently, anti-establishment political forces have seized the opportunity to rise on both the left and the right.

This is precisely the case with the anti-establishment right-wing populism that has gained significant traction in the US and Europe in recent years. For example, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) has surged to become the second-largest party in parliament, Reform UK has made a striking debut in local elections, and "prioritize-ourselves-first" sentiments command a broad base of public support in the US. These forces attract followers through narratives of nativism, conservatism, and confrontation, advocating for a hardline stance in external dealings while prioritizing the domestic population internally. Meanwhile, progressives have begun to revisit class-based issues, attempting to move beyond the narrow confines of identity politics to focus on material concerns such as the distribution of wealth between labor and capital, housing costs, and public services. Election results in New York City and Washington, D.C., serve as local manifestations of this shift.

It remains crucial to recognize that, as the "Third Way" narrows and the political divide between left and right deepens in the US, right-wing populist forces cannot be ignored. While the far-right has shattered numerous political taboos and begun to exert tangible influence on policy, the majority of the left remains mired in the internal power struggles of the Democratic establishment, with its policy toolkit largely confined to fiscal and legal measures. Amidst governance dysfunction and intensifying social division, the Western middle and working classes have grown disillusioned with the traditional alternation of power between the two major parties. Western politics continues to trend toward fragmentation and polarization; as the space for moderate centrism shrinks, extreme positions gain greater volume and, for the time being, the upper hand.

The recent resurgence of the left in the UK and the US reflects the failure of previous governance models. Neither progressive reform proposals nor conservative counter-attacks can, in the short term, repair a fractured social contract. If the momentum of the far right remains unchecked, mainstream Western politics could slide toward a more exclusionary and confrontational trajectory; meanwhile, if progressive left-wing forces fail to provide an effective counterweight, they risk being relegated to the status of marginal "voices of protest." Against this backdrop, the true challenge—transcending the traditional left-right divide—lies in rebuilding inclusive growth and social justice, and in striking a balance between diverse values ​​and communal cohesion. (The author is an associate professor at the School of Marxism, Tsinghua University.)" GT-China, 13July

[A @auxtron]

@hartache2 @Press4BC Thats reassuring. Thanks for the info hoss.

[A @auxtron]

@zzirggobucks @ZaidJilani Abdul isn’t a DSA candidate.

[A @auxtron]

@OGBlackRedGuard Seriously, we’re still Big Bro.