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TRUST IN GOD ALWAYS

[David Brand, MD @DOgbijo]

@charlesaniagolu @movingtrain01 For context

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[Aproko Doctor Global @aproko_doctor]

Simple ways to protect your liver:

. Don't eat old/bad groundnuts/bread
. Don't abuse alcohol
. Lose weight if you're obese
. Vaccinate against Hepatitis B
. Stop sharing sharp objects
. Abstain or have safe sex
. Stop smoking
. Don't misuse medication

Share to help someone

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How it kills rats is that it makes the rats to bleed to death by causing ulcer, damages the rats kidneys, it also makes the rat's blood not to clot so it can die.

It can do the same thing to humans when abused.
Damages human kidneys, causes ulcers.

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[Godswill Nwankwo, Former Nigeria Senate Candidate @NaijaPrez]

An Open Letter to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu

On the Statement of Your Special Adviser, Bayo Onanuga, and the Call for Your Resignation

Mr. President,

Your Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Mr. Bayo Onanuga, has dismissed Peter Obi's call for your resignation as "childish," "hollow," and an "unwarranted distraction." He devoted many paragraphs to data, plaudits, and superhighways. He devoted not a single sentence to the only question that matters: are Nigerians better off today than they were when you swore your oath in May 2023? On that question, the record answers for itself, and it does not answer in your favour.

This letter is not written to wound. It is written because your spokesman chose ridicule where he owed Nigerians a reckoning, and because the case he built collapses under the weight of your own words, your own appointees' admissions, and the verifiable record. I take each of his claims in turn.

1. On the "parliamentary versus presidential" deflection

Mr. Onanuga's first argument is that Obi forgets Nigeria runs a presidential system with a fixed four-year term, not a parliamentary one, and that calling for a president to step down is therefore "anti-democratic."

Mr. President, you were the most powerful voice making exactly this call, under exactly this same Constitution, against exactly this same office. In November 2014, seven months after the Chibok abduction, you stood in Ilorin and on your own Twitter account and declared that in any civilized country, Goodluck Jonathan should resign. You asked why any part of the country should be under occupation while a Commander-in-Chief gave excuses. You did not append a footnote explaining that Nigeria runs a presidential system. You did not consider the demand undemocratic. You considered it patriotic. Earlier that same year you had written that the Boko Haram massacres were proof that Nigeria had no government, and that a government unable to protect its citizens deserved to be queried.

Your own Special Adviser on Policy Communication, Daniel Bwala, has since confirmed the trap. Asked about your 2014 statement, he said the call for Jonathan to resign was a legitimate call, while insisting the same call against you is not. That is not a principle. That is a man holding a stick by one end in 2014 and the other end in 2026. If demanding a president's resignation over insecurity was legitimate democratic speech then, it is legitimate democratic speech now. The system of government has not changed. Only the address of the man being asked to go has changed.

2. On the "resounding victory" and the off-cycle elections

Mr. Onanuga presents the Ekiti governorship poll and a handful of senatorial seats in Nasarawa, Enugu, Ondo, and Rivers as an "early referendum" proving your national popularity. This is a sleight of hand, and a poorly executed one.

A single off-cycle state election is not a national referendum, and the figures undercut the boast. In Ekiti, of 988,251 registered voters, only about 384,940 were even accredited. Your party's candidate won roughly 319,000 votes in a state of millions. Turnout in Ekiti has never once crossed fifty percent in the state's modern electoral history, hovering around forty percent. A mandate delivered by a minority of a minority is not the voice of Nigeria.

Worse, the "victory" your spokesman celebrates was condemned in real time by the very institutions whose job is to certify credibility. The EU-SDGN observation mission, which deployed nearly 600 observers, flagged organised voter inducement, intimidation, and ballot-paper irregularities. The CJID network documented cash handed to voters in secluded locations, tally slips redeemable for money after voting, and direct payments running into thousands of naira, including reports of ₦10,000 distributed in Gbonyin. The opposition ADC candidate was, by multiple accounts, physically assaulted, his driver beaten unconscious. The Nigerian Bar Association called for an investigation. One analyst put it plainly: where there is no real opposition, even rigging is uncontested. To wave such a process as proof that Nigerians love your government is to mistake a captured field for a popular embrace.

3. On "Tinubu did not inherit a country in perfect shape"

This is the most self-defeating sentence in your spokesman's entire statement.

Mr. President, you did not inherit the Buhari government as an innocent bystander. You built it. Your party, the APC, produced it. You personally were among its principal architects and financiers, and you campaigned for eight years as its standard bearer before stepping into its seat. The "dead horse economy" your aide laments was ridden into the ground by an administration your party formed, sustained, and defended at every turn. You cannot spend eight years as the co-author of a government and then, on inheriting power, present its wreckage as a stranger's debt. The hardship Nigerians endure today is not the residue of an enemy's failure. It is the continuation of a project you helped design.

4. On the security "progress"

Your spokesman claims hundreds rescued, terrorist kingpins neutralised, over 15,000 terrorists removed from the streets and forests, drones deployed, and a Special Adviser on Homeland Security appointed. He calls this "measurable progress."

Then let us measure it.

In May 2026 alone, no fewer than 842 people were killed and 279 abducted across 156 violent incidents, according to the Nigeria Violent Conflicts Database. Compared with the same month a year earlier, fatalities rose by roughly 90 percent and violent incidents by more than half. In November 2025, more than 400 people, most of them schoolchildren, were kidnapped across four north-central states in a single wave, an abduction larger than Chibok itself. In early 2026, over 300 people were taken from Ngoshe in Borno. Brigadier generals have been killed in the field. The United States ordered non-essential staff out of its Abuja embassy and classified large stretches of the country as no-go zones for its citizens.

These are not the statistics of a war being won. A round number like "15,000 terrorists" offered without independent verification, set against schools emptied of their children and generals buried by their men, is not evidence of success. It is the language of a press release. The drones, the technology, the Homeland Security adviser: if the test of these investments is fewer dead Nigerians, then by the government's own preferred metric of measurability, they have failed. Insecurity has not receded under your watch. It has spread, and it has deepened.

5. On the economic paragraph, sentence by sentence

Your spokesman's economic paragraph is built to dazzle. Examined against public data, most of it dissolves.

"Positive GDP growth every quarter, surpassing the global average." Growth figures exist, around 3 to 4 percent, but they are hollow where it counts. The World Bank records Nigeria's poverty rate climbing from about 56 percent in 2023 to roughly 63 percent by early 2026, with an estimated 139 to 141 million citizens now below the poverty line. The IMF itself, in the very report your government cites as a "plaudit," warned that growth has not translated into welfare and that poverty and food insecurity are rising. Economists call it the Nigerian paradox: the economy grows on paper while the people grow poorer. A growth rate that coexists with seven million more poor Nigerians is not a triumph to brandish. It is an indictment.

"Foreign reserves have hit new highs, over $50 billion." A gross reserve figure is not a measure of national health when it is propped up by fresh Eurobond debt and short-term portfolio inflows rather than earned, durable surpluses. Reserves you must borrow to display are a loan, not a victory.

"Oil production has risen to about 1.8 million barrels per day." OPEC's own secondary-source data tells a soberer story: Nigeria's crude output sat around 1.46 million barrels per day in February 2026 and roughly 1.5 million by May, against an OPEC quota of 1.5 million. The headline 1.8 million figure conflates crude with condensate and leans on the government's most flattering count. Yes, output recovered from the catastrophic sub-one-million lows of 2022. But the honest number is closer to 1.5 million barrels of crude, not 1.8, and even that recovery is fragile and theft-ridden.

"Federation revenue projected over ₦30 trillion, far above the 2022 level of ₦7.7 trillion." This is the cruelest illusion of all. Naira revenue quadrupled chiefly because the naira itself was cut roughly to a third of its former value. When you float a currency from around ₦460 to the dollar to more than ₦1,400, every dollar of oil revenue balloons in naira terms without a single extra barrel sold. The state collects more naira because each naira is worth far less. Meanwhile national debt has climbed past ₦150 trillion. A government drowning in devalued naira is not rich. It is merely counting in smaller units.

"The stock market has soared, the All-Share Index from 50,000 to over 250,000, creating wealth for about 6 million investors." A nominal index that multiplies during a period of roughly 70 percent currency devaluation and years of double-digit inflation has not created real wealth so much as repriced it. In dollar terms the gain shrinks dramatically. And six million investors, generously counted, in a nation of more than 200 million, is not broad prosperity. It is a narrow circle insulated from the hunger your spokesman refuses to name.

"The naira-to-dollar exchange rate has been stable." Stable, yes, at a catastrophe. The naira is "stable" the way a patient is stable after losing two-thirds of his blood. It has settled near ₦1,400 to the dollar after collapsing from around ₦460. The minimum wage of ₦70,000, which your government signed, is worth about $42 a month today, less than half what the old ₦30,000 was worth in 2019. Stability at the bottom of a cliff is not an achievement.

"Foreign Direct and Portfolio Investments at record highs." Here your spokesman states the opposite of the truth. Foreign Direct Investment, the patient, job-creating kind, plunged by roughly 80 percent in January 2026 as investors fled the real economy. What surged was foreign portfolio investment, the hot money that chases high yields and flees at the first tremor. To present a collapse in FDI as a record high in investment is not spin. It is a falsehood the data refutes outright.

6. On the roads and the "100-year" superhighways

Your spokesman boasts of concrete roads built to last a century and the Lagos-Calabar and Sokoto-Badagry superhighways "dreamt of for decades."

Mr. President, Nigeria has over 200,000 kilometres of roads and fewer than 60,000 are paved. The arteries that move food from farm to market, the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, the East-West Road, the Abuja-Kano highway, remain choked by delay, while the farmer who cannot get his yams to the city watches them rot. Prestige asphalt does not feed a nation whose existing roads decay.

And the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway is not a clean monument. It was awarded to Hitech Construction Company, a firm linked to Gilbert Chagoury, a businessman long associated with your own political circle, without open competitive bidding. The Minister of Works himself first described it as single-source before later offering shifting justifications. At an estimated ₦15 trillion or more, and roughly ₦4 billion per kilometre, it became the most expensive single project in Nigeria's history, awarded at the height of an economic crisis, with the minister evading even a clear per-kilometre cost when pressed on live television. Homes and businesses, including an investment estimated at over $200 million on the Lagos coastline, faced demolition for compensation many called insulting. A road awarded in the dark, at a price no one will fully disclose, to a contractor close to the President, is not a dream realized. It is a procurement scandal wearing a ribbon.

7. On CNG and NELFUND

Your spokesman holds up the switch to CNG and the student loan fund as proof of innovation.

The CNG rollout has been neither the clean nor the affordable salvation it was sold as. Conversion capacity is thin, safety incidents have shadowed the scheme, and even the CNG price has climbed as the government withdrew subsidy support, undercutting the very savings it promised. A transport fix that grows costlier and riskier is not a deliverance from expensive petrol. It is a half-built bridge.

NELFUND is worse than incomplete. Its monthly upkeep allowance of ₦20,000, about fifteen dollars, cannot feed, house, or transport a student in today's economy, and students report that even this pittance arrives late, irregularly, or not at all after being "approved." More gravely, the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission opened an investigation into dozens of institutions over alleged illegal deductions from students' loans, and into large sums released to the scheme that could not be cleanly accounted for. And the design itself sets a trap: in a country where graduate unemployment is severe, you are loading a generation with debt to be repaid after a national service year and a job that may never come. That is not empowerment. It is a mortgage on young Nigerians' futures, sold as a gift.

8. On electricity, and the solar panels of Aso Rock

This is where your spokesman's argument shames itself most completely.

He insists you never promised twenty-four-hour power, only "electricity by all means necessary" and an end to estimated billing. Quibble over the exact words if he likes. Your documented campaign pledge was unambiguous: you told Nigerians that if you did not provide steady electricity in four years, they should not vote for you for a second term. The substance is plain, and the substance has failed. The national grid collapsed roughly twelve times in 2024 and at least four times in 2025. Tens of millions of households remain in darkness. The Electricity Act your administration passed devolved power to states that largely lack the capacity to use it, which looks less like a solution and more like an abdication.

And then the detail that no spin can survive. While ordinary Nigerians endure collapse after collapse, your government budgeted ₦10 billion in 2025 and a further ₦7 billion in 2026, about ₦17 billion in total, to disconnect the Presidential Villa from the national grid and run Aso Rock on its own solar mini-grid. The seat of power is fleeing the very grid it asks 200 million citizens to depend on. Critics named it precisely: energy apartheid. Mr. President, when the house that promised the nation light chooses to abandon the national grid and light only itself, that is not leadership by example. It is a confession.

9. On blaming the Middle East

Your spokesman's final refuge is geopolitics. He argues that Nigeria's hardship is a global problem born of the Middle East, citing the 2026 conflict involving the United States, Israel, and Iran, and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz.

The timeline destroys this excuse. Nigeria's cost-of-living catastrophe did not begin in February 2026. It began on your inauguration day in May 2023, when you removed the fuel subsidy and floated the naira in the same season. Petrol that cost around ₦200 a litre climbed toward ₦800 and beyond. The naira lost two-thirds of its value. Inflation tore through food and transport long before a single missile flew over the Gulf. The recent Iran crisis may have added a fresh shock in 2026, but you cannot blame a 2026 war for a crisis your own 2023 policies detonated. The fire was lit at home, three years before the foreign wind your spokesman now points to. Nigerians felt the subsidy removal in their stomachs in 2023. They did not need the Strait of Hormuz to teach them hunger.

10. On the social contract, and the right to ask you to go

Mr. President, your spokesman's gravest error is constitutional. He calls the demand for your resignation "anti-democratic." It is the opposite.

Section 14 of the 1999 Constitution declares that sovereignty belongs to the people, and that the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government. Power flows from the electorate to the elected as a trust, conditioned on the obligations of that office. When a leader fails in the most basic terms of that trust, the protection of life and the welfare of the people, citizens do not forfeit their voice until the next ballot. They retain, at every moment, the democratic right to say so, loudly, and to ask the trustee to step aside. That is not a coup. It is not harassment. It is the social contract speaking.

You understood this in 2014. You exercised this right against Goodluck Jonathan with far harsher words than Peter Obi has used against you. To brand the same right "childish" now that you are its target is to confess that accountability was only ever a weapon you wished to wield, never a standard you were willing to be measured by.

No one is harassing you out of office. Nigerians are reminding you of the terms you accepted. You asked to be held to your promises. You told the electorate to withdraw their support if you failed. Millions now believe you have failed, on power, on security, on the cost of living, on the welfare you swore to defend. They are not distracted. They are not living in an echo chamber. They are living in the country your spokesman describes as an "exemplar for other nations to copy," and they cannot afford the rice.

The honourable answer to such a moment is not to mock the messenger. It is to confront the message.

Respectfully, and in the name of the Nigerians to whom your office belongs,

Godswill Nwankwo, MBA
National Executive Committee, NEC
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