Benialstar

Our bias might not match all the time that's what makes us human.
Interior designer,A klauster, love to learn a proud African,Being deals let make some money

[Benialstar @benialstar]

@VERITY_HQ Wisdom

[Typical African @Joe__Bassey]

This was and still is the right position to give birth, less painful and easier by using gravity to help delivery, before humans began treating pregnant women as patients in hospitals.

[Uncommon Kvng⚡️ @uncommonkvng]

This is so sad and I’m so sensitive to your pain 😔 💔

Here in this space, we have some traders shouting at the top of their lungs because they lost $100 capital forgetting the fact that there is risk in every business you venture into, get the right knowledge first🤦🏽‍♂️

The same business people are cashing out from but He lost N90M because of just one thing that should have been factored into his business plan from the onset 👇

[Benialstar @benialstar]

@uncommonkvng Every business is risk

[Benialstar @benialstar]

@DPsychAnalyst Bomb bro 😂😂😂
Na step tear the account Abi na boom and crash

[Greg Nwoko 🇳🇬🇳🇬🇳🇬🇳🇬🇳🇬🇳🇬🇳🇬🇳🇬 @nwoko_greg62705]

1960s: Gangsters in London, businessmen in Enugu, Lost money they invested in Enugu, Nigeria; The Kray Twins:

The Kray Twins: 4th photos shows Ronnie Kray with Nigerian Police escort at Enugu in 1960s photo.

I have been reading about Reggie and Ronnie Kray again, the two identical twin brothers from the East End of London, and I cannot get over how far their story reached.

These were the men who ran London in the 1960s. Nightclubs, protection money, fear, respect, celebrity friends, all of it. In London, people called their gang The Firm.

But before all that fell apart, they also had their eyes on Enugu, Nigeria.

What they came to do in Enugu was business, or at least what they called business. They put money into a development project there, a seaside and housing and factory scheme. It was arranged through their business manager Leslie Payne and Ernest Shinwell. The first introduction came through a man called Leslie Holt and Lord Boothby.

In the end, the Enugu project collapsed and the money disappeared. That is the part that always gets me. Two of the most feared men in Britain, and their money just vanished in Enugu.

Back home in England, it was murder that finished them.

Ronnie was accused of shooting George Cornell dead in the Blind Beggar pub in 1966. Reggie was accused of stabbing Jack The Hat McVitie to death in 1967.

They were arrested in 1968 and tried at the Old Bailey in 1969. The judge gave both of them life imprisonment, with a recommendation that they serve at least 30 years. The judge told them society had earned a rest from their activities.

But even though the sentence looked the same on paper, their lives after that went two different ways.

Ronnie was later certified insane. He was diagnosed with paranoid schizophrenia. In 1979 he was moved to Broadmoor Hospital, the high security hospital for the criminally insane, and he stayed there for the rest of his life.

Reggie stayed in the normal prison system. Parkhurst, Maidstone, Wayland in Norfolk, and other prisons. In his later years he became a born again Christian.

And their deaths were different too.

Ronnie had a heart attack at Broadmoor on 15 March 1995. He died two days later, on 17 March 1995, at Wexham Park Hospital in Slough. He was 61. Reggie was even allowed out in handcuffs to go to his funeral.

Reggie lived longer. In 2000 he was diagnosed with terminal bladder cancer. On 26 August 2000 he was released from Wayland Prison on compassionate grounds. He spent his last weeks with his wife Roberta. He died in his sleep on 1 October 2000, aged 66.

So that is the story. Two brothers, born together, rose together, fell together, but died apart. One died locked away in Broadmoor. One died a free man, but only for eight weeks.

Now You Know

[Farai Mazhindu @FaraiMazhindu]

In Haiti, they told the Haitian people the Clintons came to save Haiti.

After the earthquake in 2010, the world watched Port au Prince crumble, and then the saviors arrived. Bill Clinton became the UN Special Envoy to Haiti. Hillary Clinton was Secretary of State, controlling America's aid. And the Clinton Foundation was right there, raising money in Haiti's name.

Husband approving the projects. Wife controlling the money. Foundation collecting the donations. That was a family business.

The world pledged 13.5 billion dollars. America pledged 4 billion. It was supposed to rebuild a nation. Instead, it rebuilt bank accounts in Washington.

Less than 40 percent of that money was ever spent inside Haiti. Only 2 percent of US aid ever reached Haitian organizations. The rest went to American contractors, foreign NGOs, and the UN: a circle of friends getting rich off someone else's tragedy.

Caracol Industrial Park, their great flagship, their promise of a New Haiti. Three hundred million dollars of taxpayer money, built on prime farmland. Farmers were kicked off their land to make room for it. They promised 65,000 jobs. What Haiti got was 10,000 low-wage sewing jobs for a South Korean company. Bill and Hillary cut the ribbon and smiled for the cameras. Haitians called it a sweatshop.

They promised hundreds of thousands of homes. They spent half a billion dollars on housing, and they built 6,000 houses. Years later, millions were still sleeping in tents, with no water, no electricity, and no roads, while the Foundation kept fundraising.

A company called VCS Mining, with a Clinton Foundation donor sitting on its board, suddenly got one of the rarest things in Haiti: a gold mining permit. In a country where those permits are almost impossible to get. Donate to the Foundation, get a deal in Haiti. That was the deal.

Haitians don't call this mismanagement. They call it theft.

Billions came in, cholera brought in by UN troops killed 10,000 people, and Port au Prince still has no reliable water, power, or roads. The Clintons left with their reputation intact. Haiti was left poorer.

This is how the liberal elite works. They find a poor Black country, use it as a charity poster, fly in, take photos with crying children, raise billions, hand the contracts to their friends, and then blame corruption in Haiti when nothing gets built.

The real corruption was never in Haiti. It was in Washington, and it was in the Clinton Foundation.

If a Republican had done this, it would be called a crime. Because the Clintons did it, they called it philanthropy.

Haiti didn't need saviors. Haiti needed to be left alone to rebuild with its own money.

The Clintons didn't save Haiti. They looted Haiti.

https://t.co/VF6hQhHqmE

[Farai Mazhindu @FaraiMazhindu]

The chaos in El Salvador before Bukele was never an accident, and the chaos in Haiti today is not an accident either.

The media told you that the gangs were just poor boys who went bad on their own, but that story falls apart the moment you ask one simple question.

Where does a poor sixteen year old boy living in a slum with no job and no money get an AK-47 and an AR-15 and a Glock and thousands of rounds of ammunition, and where does he get a brand new Toyota Hilux and motorcycles and speedboats and drones and encrypted phones and bulletproof vests and night vision goggles, and who pays his monthly salary and pays for his safe house and pays his lawyer when he is arrested and pays the police and the judge and the prison guard to look the other way, and who pays his family when he dies?

A poor boy cannot afford even one bullet, so someone else is paying for all of it.

That someone is the multimillionaires and the billionaires and the wealthy entities who profit from chaos, because chaos is a business and a broken country is the most profitable business in the world.

When a country is in chaos its land becomes cheap so they can buy it, its gold and its drugs and its resources can be stolen without anyone asking questions, its government becomes weak so they can control it, and its people become so scared that they obey anyone who promises them a little safety.

In El Salvador the gangs were not fighting the system, the gangs were the system, paid to keep the poor terrorized so the poor would never rise up and demand a better country.

In Haiti it is the same story, the gangs are not independent, they are funded and armed and protected by rich families and foreign businessmen and foreign NGOs who want Haiti to stay weak so they can keep stealing its ports and its gold and its labour.

And when a man like Bukele comes and says I will lock up all the gangs and end this in two years, who attacks him? It is the same people.

The same billionaires who fund the gangs fund the media that calls Bukele a dictator, the same wealthy entities who arm the gangs fund the NGOs that cry human rights for murderers, the same people who profit from chaos fund the political voices that hate real help in Haiti and sabotage anyone who is actually capable of doing it.

Look at the pattern and it becomes clear, when a gang kills a hundred innocent people there is silence, but when a leader kills a hundred gang members there is outrage.

When a gang rapes children there is no campaign, but when Bukele locks up rapists there is a global campaign against him.

That is because the media is not independent, it is owned by billionaires, the NGOs are not independent, they are funded by billionaires, and the politicians are not independent, they are bought by billionaires.

They do not want Haiti saved and they did not want El Salvador saved, they want them broken, because a broken country is cheap to buy and easy to control.

Bukele exposed them, he proved that gangs can be destroyed in months if you have the will, and that terrified them, because if El Salvador can be fixed then Haiti can be fixed, and if Haiti can be fixed then Africa can be fixed, and if Africa can be fixed then the billionaires lose their business.

That is why they demonize Bukele, that is why they sabotage Haiti, that is why they hate any man who actually helps the poor.

[David Hundeyin @DavidHundeyin]

I do not know this white man, and there is about 500 years of history showing that his alleged "love" is fake news.

I only know Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah, the black man who survived at least 6 assassination attempts because he believed in my freedom and self-determination.

That is the ancestor and Messiah that I recognise.

We don't worship white men here.

[KING CHIDI @guzu_p]

So you dey sell your obough for 15k for tinder 😹😹🤣👏

[David Hundeyin @DavidHundeyin]

He got what he wanted BTW.

You people's "president" signed a $700bn critical minerals MOU with the government he works for.

As usual, I was the one begging full grown adults to stop believing in Santa Claus and the Tooth Fairy😶

[Chetuya Chinagolum @Chetuyachinago]

Everybody with an ounce of political literacy knows and understands that this is lifted straight from the classic CIA destabilization playbook, routinely deployed across the Global South to recruit desperate youths who will later serve as useful idiots to organize synthetic protests against their own governments on behalf of Washington. We also know that this is precisely how Western intelligence networks hijack legitimate public grievances and manufacture toxic media narratives that serve Western geopolitical interests and facilitate the uninterrupted extraction of African wealth and mineral resources.

All of this is undeniable material fact, but we must have the courage to ask ourselves the deeper, uncomfortable question: why do our people continue to aggressively trip over themselves to accept these Western NGO gigs, foreign fellowship grants, and imperial media funding? Why is it that whenever imperial powers launch a psychological operation to destabilize the continent and manufacture false narratives for the sole purpose of resource plunder, there is always an endless queue of educated African youths standing in line, ready and willing to sell out their own sovereign nation-states for absolute pennies on the dollar?

The answer is not that the Black man is inherently corrupt or genetically self-destructive. It is precisely because these imperial powers are ruthlessly exploiting a profound, structural economic vacuum that exists on the continent. You see, even if you possess an authentic passion for systemic change, a burning revolutionary fire in your chest, and an ironclad conviction to liberate your people, raw ideology alone cannot fund modern investigative journalism, build media platforms, or sustain political movements. To run a credible platform, you need serious, non-stop operating capital: you must pay for reliable intelligence leaks, subscribe to classified databases, hire investigative reporters, retain legal counsel, and pay professional writers just to maintain a functional digital presence. To reach a mass audience and compete with mainstream propaganda, you have to spend thousands of dollars on high-end production cameras, studio lighting, sound equipment, and a dedicated team of video editors, which easily runs into tens of thousands of dollars annually. This does not even account for the massive logistical expenses of airline tickets, hotel accommodations, car rentals, daily feeding, and emergency operational reserves. While Western platforms can easily recoup these operating expenses through paid subscriber models, the catastrophic fact that the middle class in most African nations has been completely decimated means that domestic digital subscription models are an immediate dead end, especially for emerging independent creators. The New York Times can boast of generating hundreds of millions of dollars in recurring reader revenue, but that model only functions in high-income, industrialized societies with a prosperous, comfortable middle class.

This proves that even though Africa is bursting with an exceptionally educated, creative, and energetic youth population, our brutal economic reality turns this demographic into a strategic liability rather than an asset in the arena of information warfare. Left entirely to their own devices without capital, they cannot construct an independent, sovereign, and self-sustaining media apparatus. The post-colonial state will never fund them, because the African state is structurally extractive, and deeply suffocated by IMF debt conditionalities that classify domestic public expenditure as fiscal indiscipline and a reckless distortion of market fundamentals. African leaders religiously avoid funding sovereign cultural and media projects simply to preserve their fragile credit ratings before Wall Street rating agencies and Western banking cartels, even when doing so destroys their own national security. The local comprador bourgeois class will obviously never fund them either, and in the rare instances where local oligarchs do invest in media, it is strictly to use the platform as a personal political battering ram to fight rival party factions and chase government contracts. Consequently, the young African journalist who genuinely dreams of building a formidable platform finds themselves trapped in a sadistic dilemma: either starve in complete digital obscurity and nothingness, or sell their pen to the ruling capitalist class to justify the neocolonial subjugation of their own people.

Western intelligence agencies and imperial think tanks understand this structural vulnerability intimately, which is why they step in with coordinated funding packages to fill the void. But Washington never gives away a single dollar out of Christian charity or a genuine desire to liberate African minds; every single dollar disbursed through these grant networks must strictly yield dividends that advance US foreign policy, even if those policy objectives actively worsen the material conditions of our society. However, the CIA understands that they cannot simply sit in Langley and overtly dictate editorial scripts to young African journalists, because doing so would instantly destroy the credibility of these platforms, expose them as foreign propaganda conduits, and provoke political scrutiny back home. Instead, they deploy sophisticated structural steering mechanisms disguised behind neutral, technocratic buzzwords. They roll out funding for "capacity building," where Western donors use academic language to imply that African institutions and cultural values are inherently defective, corrupt, and backward, and must therefore be forcibly reshaped to fit Western liberal standards as the only formula for societal success. The young journalist or social media influencer who desperately wants to remain eligible for the next grant cycle quickly learns that their content must be dedicated to deconstructing, mocking, and rebuking their own traditions and state institutions, while uncritically glorifying Western liberalism as infallible, supreme, and morally absolute. Similarly, when they issue massive grants for "strengthening civil society," they are never funding militant trade unions, peasant agricultural cooperatives, or radical student organizations that possess genuine anti-imperialist, class-conscious politics; the money is reserved exclusively for domesticated, pro-market NGOs that obediently parrot Western media talking points, celebrate foreign private equity, and endorse neoliberal economic reforms.

The glossary of corporate buzzwords they invent to mask their imperial footprints is endless, which is why we are currently cursed with an entire ecosystem of young African journalists and media outlets that persistently misdiagnose the African crisis, giving the public a superficial, moralistic explanation of poverty because their Western benefactors forbid them from examining the true material roots of our underdevelopment. Beyond shaping domestic narratives, this funded network acts as a permanent geopolitical shield for Western imperialism. Because these journalists and civil society heads know that their bread, mortgages, and international travel visas flow directly from Western embassies, they are obsessively selective in the language they deploy when reporting global affairs. Notice the glaring double standard: whenever local media reports on rogue Chinese miners operating in rural areas or Russian paramilitary instructors working in the Sahel, our local newsrooms become exceptionally ruthless, exceptionally loud, and relentlessly aggressive in calling for national boycotts and immediate military crackdowns. But when it comes to reporting how American and European oil conglomerates systematically destroy our marine ecology, deploy offshore tax havens to steal billions from our national treasury, and pollute our ancestral creeks; when it comes to exposing predatory IMF debt traps and unmasking predatory World Bank austerity measures; these exact same funded investigative journalists suddenly become completely invisible, conveniently mute, legally toothless, and entirely blinded by donor compliance. This manufactured, one-sided pipeline of information is precisely why Nigeria is full of Western-educated youths who have been thoroughly marinated in corporate propaganda, reflexively viewing the United States as the divine champion of human freedom while viewing the nations of the multipolar alliance strictly as cartoonish, authoritarian villains.

We must possess the intellectual honesty to admit that this imperial weaponization of African intellectualism did not begin on modern social media. The most celebrated pioneers of African post-colonial literature fell directly into this exact same NGO-ization trap during the Cold War. Following flag independence, African societies inherited damaged, extractive administrative shells completely devoid of sovereign printing presses, publishing capital, or independent research foundations. The CIA identified this structural vacuum and aggressively stepped in through covert cultural fronts like the Congress for Cultural Freedom. They offered fully funded fellowships, global book tours, and massive publishing contracts to the finest minds on the continent, but not so they could write whatever they wanted; it was designed to guide their intellectual output into channels that posed zero threat to global capitalism. Writers who focused on safe themes like cultural pride, traditional aesthetics, generational alienation, pre-colonial folklore, traditional spirituality, and abstract identity politics were immediately elevated into international literary icons, winning prestigious Western prizes and selling hundreds of thousands of copies globally. Meanwhile, radical African writers who grounded their literature in Marxist-Leninist class analysis, labor-organizing strategies, agrarian socialist land reforms, and the direct seizure of multinational corporate assets were systematically blacklisted, denied publication, and wiped out of academic memory. The imperial core has never cared if you wear your traditional African attire or celebrate your ancestors; Western elites will gladly send academic delegations to applaud your cultural dances. What they will never tolerate, and what they will ruthlessly suppress, is rigorous class analysis that exposes the economic machinery of their corporate extraction.

Now that we clearly comprehend how Western intelligence infiltrates our intellectual institutions, captures our media spaces, and funds civil society to execute imperial agendas, we must face the reality that this foreign subversion will never stop until the underlying structural vacuum is permanently eradicated. One path to resolving this crisis requires the total nationalization of our strategic resources, the redistribution of land, and the transfer of productive capital directly into the hands of the organized working class, an outcome that is historically impossible without a disciplined, bottom-up mass revolution.

The alternative, superficial solution often proposed by naive commentators is that an African military strongman should simply seize state power and issue a top-down decree outlawing foreign NGOs and banning local journalists from accepting Western donor funds. This administrative approach looks impressive on paper, but it completely ignores the laws of history: you cannot police or shoot an entire society into ideological clarity. Even China, with all its state capacity, institutional discipline, and technological infrastructure, had to execute decades of comprehensive ideological education campaigns just to politically inoculate the population against foreign psychological operations and cultivate an unshakeable class consciousness. If a military junta bans ten Western-funded civil society groups by decree without providing an alternative material base for the youth, twenty new underground factions will immediately spring up to replace them. Banning these networks without educating the masses simply hardens their political ignorance, convincing them that they are heroic martyrs fighting for human rights against a brutal dictatorship, making them all the more willing to accept covert cash, subversive training, and foreign weapons delivered through Western intelligence channels. To preserve its power against mounting internal subversion, the authoritarian state inevitably becomes more paranoid, unleashing police crackdowns, executing political dissidents, and suspending basic civil liberties. This reactive state terror causes domestic approval ratings to crash, isolates the government from the working class, and makes the nation incapable of withstanding Western economic sanctions, ultimately ensuring that the regime is violently overthrown from within, usually with the active participation of compromised military officers recruited directly by Western intelligence, as we historically witnessed in Chile in September 1973 under Pinochet, Ghana in February 1966 against Nkrumah, and Burkina Faso in October 1987 against Thomas Sankara.

This is precisely why any serious materialist analysis of the African condition leads to one singular conclusion: only a bottom-up, ideologically grounded mass revolution that completely dismantles the inherited colonial state architecture and builds sovereign, self-funded institutions can permanently liberate our continent from the suffocating clutches of global imperialism.

[Benialstar @benialstar]

@onlyone_success 😂😂😂😂😂 this lady

[Benialstar @benialstar]

@uncommonkvng Wuna dey talk ooo 😂😂

[KhAliFA’s InSiGhT🍿🎬 @BiigKhalifa]

I feel so sad for George. Didn’t deserve this

[Benialstar @benialstar]

@guzu_p Bro abeg use condom OOO 😂

[Benialstar @benialstar]

@DPsychAnalyst Aswear bro

[Cyborg Warlord @Admiral_Cyborg]

The first time I saw Honourable Danjuma cry, he was sitting on the floor of a private hospital in Abuja, begging God to spare his daughter's life.

It was a strange sight.

Not because politicians don't cry, but because I had always known him as a man who could get almost anything done with money and connections.

His daughter, Aisha, was just 23 years old.

She had returned from the United Kingdom barely three weeks earlier, and what initially appeared to be malaria had developed into a life-threatening infection.

By the time the doctors discovered how serious her condition was, her organs were already failing.

The Honourable had money.

He had connections.

He could call ministers, governors, senators, and even the owners of some of the biggest private hospitals in Nigeria.

He offered to fly in specialists. He was prepared to arrange an air ambulance to take his daughter abroad.

But none of those things could save her.

Aisha died shortly after 2 p.m.

And for the first time, I watched a man who had spent much of his life enjoying the privileges of political influence discover that there were things his money couldn't control.

I met Honourable Danjuma some years earlier through a relative of mine who had known his family for a long time.

It was during one of those family gatherings where you meet people you have heard so much about but never actually spoken to.

My relative introduced us, and we exchanged pleasantries.

He was friendly, surprisingly approachable, and had a way of making people feel comfortable around him.

Later that evening, my relative told me a little about his background...

[Benialstar @benialstar]

@ShiverTv01 Nice at least for a woman

[Alex Cohen @anothercohen]

This is an absolute masterpiece.

10/10.

No notes