@OzTeslaGuy I drive from Bondi to the Blue Mountains and find the 110 ----) 100 issue sooo annoying. It actually makes it almost unusable.
But then I drive to Jervis bay and it's perfect the whole way.
I really don't get how it can be so close and so far at the same time
I don't share the same experience of v13.3.5.
Compared to the previous version today I had three interventions.
1) turning right into a roundabout (scary)
2) chose wrong lane so had to go left instead of straight (very annoying)
3) misread speed limit 110 as 100 ... And couldn't fix it.
@LeeC2030@AustralianJA You clearly don't know Israeli's.
Certainly not in person.
I've met thousands and never heard that opinion even a single time.
Sounds to me like you take your opinions from the internet🤷
Also,
Even if what you said was true (and it isn't) would that make this harassment ok?
@grecianfive@JoshuaHowsam@AndrewStoeten No, this is a standard technique used by teams to allow them to pay over slot to convince drafted players to forego high school etc.
I think there was some talk that our first round pick might expect over slot, and also there are a few stretches in the later rounds I think?
@Uber_Support@StopAntisemites Uber is not serious.
A driver did the same to me for wearing a Kippah and they did nothing. They're shameful supporters of anti semites
Tonight, I am conflicted.
Overnight, Israel launched Operation Gideon's Chariots. It marks the latest, bloody phase of the war Hamas launched on October 7, 2023 with a barbaric massacre of Israeli civilians, an attack that triggered a regional war against the Jewish state on seven fronts.
The Israeli operation is intended to end the war with the defeat of the terrorist army that started the war. It has two goals: to pressure Hamas to free the hostages, and then to crush this enemy regime and its military.
I want this war to end, and so I want this operation to succeed. But tonight, I am conflicted. And before I explain why I'm conflicted, I'll explain why I'm sharing.
When Hamas declared war, I was not a spokesman for the Israeli Government. On the contrary. I was one of the many Israelis protesting against the Netanyahu government (the photo evidence would be my undoing). But then everything changed, we united as a country, and I put politics aside. The country needed cannon fodder in hostile interviews and I jumped on the grenade. Eventually Mrs. Netanyahu clocked that I was in the anti-government protests before the war and I was forced out. But that's another story.
I mention this to explain that not only do I not represent the government, I also owe nothing to this government (I have never even met Netanyahu, if you can believe it). I see my role now — as a private citizen — as not to defend the government's decisions, but to explain the impossible and agonizing dilemmas facing Israel. I don't care if you agree with this or that decision. I care that you understand the impossible situation we're in.
Right now, there are up to 23 living hostages rotting in the dungeons of Gaza, where they are being starved, tortured, and even sexually abused. There are also 35 bodies of hostages Hamas has already murdered, using as chips to torture their families. We need to get them all out. They could have been any one of us. It could have been me, or my friends. Families ripped out of their beds. Youngsters kidnapped from a music festival. Young conscript soldiers, seized from defensive posts.
Hamas is demanding a ransom for their release.
It is demanding the release of thousands of convicted terrorists and an end of the war, with international guarantees that it can remain in power. There is a horrific debate in Israel about whether we can afford this ransom. The Netanyahu government has decided we cannot. Many Israelis think we should pay it anyway, to save them. It is insane that we're having a debate about the price of our fellow citizens' lives, but Hamas is demanding a price, so we're forced to decide what it is.
Most of the hostages' families want the government to pay the ransom. It is a core, unshakable part of the Israeli ethos that we do not leave anyone behind. You don't abandon a wounded soldier in the field. And definitely not a civilian snatched from his bed. As they're saying in the rally tonight in Tel Aviv, "nothing else matters right now". Save them now, worry about the costs later. If someone in my family were abducted, I would demand the same. Nothing else matters. And if I were in power, I would probably pay the ransom (I would also order a state commission of inquiry, but that is another matter). We have been checkmated. We will never forgive ourselves if we fail to bring our fellow citizens. It will break our social contract. Hamas knows that, of course, and that's why it exploits our greatest strength, our sense of solidarity, as our Achilles' heel.
This ransom comes at a cost, and this point is worth hammering. The terrorists we release from jail WILL take hostages in future, because we are showing it works. There is a reason most countries don't pay ransoms to terrorist hostage-takers. We got soldier Gilad Shalit back for 1,000 terrorists in 2011; one of them was Yahya Sinwar. Hamas is demanding the hostage-takers of tomorrow for the hostages of today. And ending the war with Hamas in power means Hamas will remain in power and will rearm. Anyone telling you that ending the war with Hamas in power means it won't remain in power is not being entirely honest with you. Hamas is not going to disarm itself or resign voluntarily. Saudi Arabia isn't going to coax it to quit. And nobody is going to condition reconstruction aid on Hamas laying down its arms. In any case, Phase III of the original ransom deal would allow Hamas to hold onto the bodies of dead hostages anyway during reconstruction, guaranteeing that rebuilding will take place on its terms.
Leaving Hamas standing means it will rebuild its tunnels and its missile silos. And it will attack when it's ready. Because Hamas is a jihadi army whose stated purpose for existence is to wage war until Israel is destroyed. There's no such thing as a "permanent ceasefire". If this is not the last Gaza war, there will be a next Gaza war, and it will be worse. Why? Because Hamas will conclude the world will keep saving it from the wars it starts. Because its human shield strategy will be vindicated. Because it will take hostages again, knowing this is our Achilles' heel. And we want this to be the last Gaza war, because we're sick of war and want no more fighting. It's just not true, as some have written, that "total victory" is some far-right fantasy. The policy of containment that Netanyahu led before the war failed. We're not going back to it. We cannot live with this terror state on our borders, or the next war is a matter of time. Enough war.
The Netanyahu government has decided that we cannot pay this ransom, and so Operation Gideon's Chariot is intended to get us better terms. Military pressure is the only leverage we have over Hamas, besides controlling the entry of supplies into Gaza, which is its main pipeline. Other countries have leverage over Hamas — via its patrons, Qatar, Turkey, and Iran — but they're not using it. Because they're craven and venal, and money speaks loudest. We'll deal with that later. The operation is also intended to end the game of "cat and mouse" that has seen Israeli soldiers recapturing areas we have already withdrawn from: push Hamas out once, and then keep it out until it is crushed like ISIS was crushed.
So why am I conflicted? Because I think everyone's right. I think the minority of hostage families supporting military pressure are right that this is the only leverage we have to get our hostages back (other than paying the ransom that leaves it in power). And I think the majority of hostage families who say that a military campaign endangers the hostages are also right. Hamas could conclude the hostages are worthless and execute them, like it has executed so many before. It's possible that the only leverage we have to get the hostages out is also extremely risky for them. I think the people who say that bringing the hostages back is the #1 priority are right, and I think those who say that leaving Hamas in power as the price for getting them back guarantees future war are also right. We have no good choices. We can't afford to pay this ransom, and we also can't afford not to.
As an Israeli, I fear a future in which those hostages are abandoned to die in Gaza. I also fear a future in which Hamas regroups to plot the next October 7 Massacre.
I want to be proven wrong. If I have analyzed the dilemmas wrong, please tell me. If there's another way out, tell me. The cognitive dissonance is killing me.
Tell me I'm wrong. I want to be wrong.
Early in the war, when I was still in character as a government spokesman, I was asked about my personal opinion. I said with a wry smile that I'm glad I don't have to make these decisions, only explain them. Now that the war has become increasingly contentious at home, I'm glad that I don't even have to explain them. I only have to explain the impossible trade-offs behind them.
One day, we will heal.
One day, we will rebuild.
One day, we will dance again. Walk down the Tel Aviv Promenade on a Saturday night, and you'll see that despite the constant threat of ballistic missile attacks, we're still loving life and have found a weird way to sustain a facade of normalcy in this upside down world.
War is hell. We didn't want this war. We didn't start this war. We didn't even expect this war. But by God, we have to win this war. Or there will be a next, worse war, which we don't want. And that means all the goals of the war. Defeating Hamas and bringing back the hostages.
I pray that our soldiers and hostages return safely, and that innocent people caught in the crossfire escape it.
A great deal of false, misleading, and exaggerated claims are circulating regarding the potential deportation of Mahmoud Khalil, a 31-year-old @Columbia University graduate student, by the Department of Homeland Security (@DHSgov).
I would like to make six important points about this.
Yet, while there’s much to discuss, the most important takeaway is this: No matter how sensationalized the conversation becomes on social or traditional media, it is essential that we remain level-headed, embrace complexity, and avoid rushing to judgment until the facts are clear.
#1: Lead with compassion.
This likely won’t surprise anyone who has followed me over the past year and a half. While I am relieved that the federal government is beginning to address anti-Jewish, anti-Israeli, and anti-American activity on university campuses, I do not take pleasure in Khalil’s potential deportation.
As someone who also arrived in the U.S. on a student visa and is now a green card holder, I can only imagine the fear of facing deportation for repeatedly violating its conditions.
While I strongly disagree with Khalil’s actions, I refuse to strip him or his wife of their humanity.
#2: In a properly functioning society, actions must have consequences:
For over a year and a half, Mahmoud Khalil has led @ColumbiaBDS, a student coalition that spreads terrorist propaganda on campus and has been responsible for multiple violent takeovers of university buildings, two of which resulted in public safety personnel being hospitalized.
Khalil has also acted as the primary negotiator between student protesters and the administration, both during a campus encampment that featured spaces honoring U.S.-designated terrorists and the more recent building occupations at @BarnardCollege.
As a married, 31-year-old graduate student who has repeatedly violated the conditions of his green card, Khalil’s potential deportation is the direct consequence of the choices he has made.
#3: The right to a fair trial is essential to the functioning of a democratic society.
No matter what you think—or know—about Mahmoud Khalil and his actions, it is crucial that we all withhold judgment until he has received the fair legal process guaranteed to every U.S. legal resident.
As someone who has both protested for democracy in Israel and volunteered as a graduate student teaching incarcerated men in maximum- and medium-security correctional facilities in upstate New York, I am deeply committed to the principles of due process, fair legal representation, and equal treatment under the law.
Khalil, like anyone else, is entitled to fair and unbiased treatment under the law, whether from individuals, groups, or the government. I trust that the U.S. legal system will ensure his legal proceedings are carried out as intended.
#4: Don’t fall for fake news.
Over the past 48 hours, a smear campaign has spread false claims by Layla Saliba and Maryam Iqbal—two @Columbia student leaders who, alongside Khalil, have fueled anti-Jewish, anti-Israeli, and anti-American activity on campus— accusing me of working with the administration to deport Khalil.
Let me be absolutely clear: I have never had a direct line to the administration. Even if I did, I would never use such influence to target an individual. This is not who I am or what I stand for.
Like many, I’ve called out Khalil’s repeated legal violations and demanded accountability. But as I always remind my students, just because one event follows another doesn’t mean it caused it. Correlation does not imply causation.
#5: This is not about free speech
As I’ve stated many times, I am a strong advocate of free speech. People must have the right to voice their opinions, even when they are deeply offensive, reprehensible, or ignorant. However, it must be emphasized that Khalil was not apprehended by the Department of Homeland Security for exercising his First Amendment rights.
He was apprehended for violating the conditions of his green card, namely for his activities aligned to a U.S.-designated terrorist organization.
This isn’t about free speech—it’s about respecting and upholding the rule of law.
#6: Khalil is not the story.
The story is not about Mahmoud Khalil. He is neither a hero nor a villain, but rather a foreign national who has been radicalized by his professors and peers on Columbia’s campus.
The real story here is about the fight against anti-democratic U.S.-designated terrorist organizations that have held 59 hostages in underground tunnels for more than 500 days, including Edan Alexander—a 20-year-old U.S. citizen from Tenafly, New Jersey.
If you haven’t seen it yet, I strongly encourage you to watch the 1-hour interview with Eli Sharabi, an Israeli citizen who was held hostage for 491 days, only to learn upon his release that his wife and two daughters were murdered by Hamas terrorists during the October 7 Massacre.
Don’t let the moral outrage of social media algorithms distract you from what is at stake.
Bring Them Home.
**
One small ask – If you have read thus far, please help me spread this message.
With all the ‘fake news’ going around, it is important o share the truth.
I deeply regret my decades of support for a Palestinian state under ‘land for peace’ and the ‘two-state solution.’ I was wrong—badly wrong. I misjudged a society that prioritizes murdering Jewish children over building a better future for its own. I apologize.