✡️A Jewish person living in Egypt around 475 BC wrote about Passover on a piece of pottery.
The inscription, written in Imperial Aramaic, is now housed in the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford. It was discovered on the island of Elephantine in Egypt, home to a Jewish community during the Persian period.
✡️In paraphrase, the letter conveys a message along these lines:
“To Hoshaya. Greetings! Take care of the children until Ahutab arrives. If the flour has already been ground, prepare a small amount of dough until their mother returns. Let me know when you will celebrate Passover, and tell me how the baby is doing.”
✡️Although brief, this inscription contains one of the oldest surviving non-biblical references to the festival of Passover, demonstrating that Jews were celebrating it nearly 2,500 years ago.
✡️Consider the historical context. It was written approximately 700 years after the Exodus from Egypt (according to the traditional biblical chronology), about 110 years after the destruction of the First Temple, and roughly 60 years after the return to Zion from the Babylonian exile.
👉Image credit: Olaf Tausch, CC BY-SA 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons. (Author unknown)
🇮🇱 The Nation of Israel Lives🇮🇱 #Israel #historydisplayed
UPDATE: 💥 Israel Reveals It Has Killed 2,561 Terrorists Who Took Part in the Oct. 7 Massacre as Hunt Continues:
A specialized IDF-Shin Bet task force has eliminated more than 2,500 Hamas and Islamic Jihad terrorists who participated in the Oct. 7 massacre. Roughly 1,000 were killed during the initial battles inside Israel, while several hundred more remain alive and are still being hunted.
Using facial recognition, captured footage, phone intercepts and intelligence from detained terrorists, Israel is methodically identifying the killers, kidnappers and commanders one by one.
On This Day — July 10, 1933
Time Magazine put Joseph Goebbels on its cover — and praised the Nazis.
Just months after Hitler seized power, the American magazine featured the Nazi propaganda minister and described Adolf Hitler as a “vegetarian superman.” The article lauded how Nazi rule had “lifted the spirit of the German people” and openly noted that one of the regime’s most effective tactics was “explaining away all Germany’s defeats and trials in terms of the Jew.”
Goebbels’ own line — “The Jews are to blame!” — actually appeared on the front cover.
This was mainstream American media treating the rising Nazi regime with a mix of fascination and reluctant admiration — while the machinery of antisemitic propaganda was already in full gear.
By the time the world woke up, it was too late for millions.
Some warnings were printed in plain sight.
The diplomatic isolation of Israel during the war in Gaza following the Oct. 7 Hamas massacre will go down in history as a moral failure and a defeat of humanity, French philosopher Bernard-Henri Lévy said on Thursday.
“The absence of support for Israel will be considered by future historians as a moment of huge disgrace for the West,” Lévy told JNS in an interview in Tel Aviv. “It is a defeat of humanity and a moral defeat. It is the loss of any moral compass.”
Lévy, who lives in Paris, rushed to Israel the day after the Oct. 7 attacks and the following year penned Israel Alone, a book about the lack of diplomatic support for the Jewish state in the West.
“I was beyond shocked,” he said.
He was back in Israel on Thursday to deliver the keynote address at the annual conference on contemporary antisemitism hosted by the Comper Center for the Study of Antisemitism and Racism at the University of Haifa. The gathering is the largest annual academic conference on modern-day antisemitism, drawing an estimated 550 participants, including 250 in-person presenters, with others joining virtually from abroad.
The 77-year-old French intellectual, commonly known as BHL, decried the surge in antisemitism, which he called “unprecedented in my lifetime,” noting that he rarely gives lectures in France for security reasons and that the only safe place for him to speak in the United Kingdom is a synagogue.
“Even if I come to speak about philosophy or non-Jewish issues, the only safe place for me in the U.K. is a synagogue,” he said.
Jewish News Syndicate
Taiwan solved tax evasion in 1951 with a trick so cheap it should embarrass every tax authority on the planet.
The problem was an all-cash economy full of small shops. A merchant pockets the cash, skips the receipt, and the sale never existed. Auditors can't catch what was never recorded, and hiring enough of them to watch every noodle stand costs more than the missing tax.
So finance chief Ren Xianqun flipped the incentive. Print a lottery number on every receipt. Draw winners every two months on live TV. Top prize today: NT$10 million, about $310K.
Suddenly the customer and the shopkeeper want opposite things. The merchant wants the sale off the books. The customer wants the ticket. And there are millions more customers than merchants. Every transaction now carries a built-in witness demanding the paper trail.
Year one, reported tax revenue jumped 75%, from NT$29 million to NT$51 million. Seventy-five years later, roughly 70% of Taiwanese still play. Convenience stores redeem the smallest NT$200 prizes at the register, so even a coffee receipt feels like a scratch card.
The elegant part is what the audit force costs. The prize pool runs about NT$7 billion a year, roughly $20 million. In exchange, the government gets 23 million unpaid auditors working every checkout line in the country, forever. No inspector general on earth delivers that coverage at that price.
Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Slovakia all copied it. The most effective compliance tool ever built looks like a game, and that's exactly why it works.
The world does not realize how close Hamas brought us to Armageddon on October 7, 2023.
It intended to force Hezbollah to commit to a full-scale invasion of Israel from Lebanon, and then to trigger incursions from Syria and Jordan.
With Israel overrun by enemy forces on four fronts, and videos of barbaric atrocities inspiring millions around the world, a West Bank uprising would have erupted the same day - and Iran, the Houthis, and the Iraqi militias would undoubtedly have joined ballistic missile fire.
On October 7, 2023, the threat was existential. And every day Israel has fought since then has been to prevent that existential threat from rearing its head.
Why don’t world leaders care?
I’m the last person who’d defend Ben Gvir, but when he sneezes, every world leader has an opinion. Here Turkey’s foreign minister goes full Hitler and the same leaders are silent.
One of the enduring mysteries of October 7 is why Hezbollah’s leader, Hassan Nasrallah, chose not to join in. When Hamas’s Nukhba forces flooded into the south, Hezbollah’s Radwan forces were poised for a similar push in the north—but the order never came.
A newly published set of internal Hezbollah documents, analyzed by researchers at the Amit Institute for Terrorism and Intelligence Research, sheds light on years of coordination between the two Iranian tentacles in the run-up to the attack and why Nasrallah ultimately didn’t pull the trigger.
The alliance faced its first real test two years earlier, during the May 2021 conflict, Operation Guardian of the Walls. Internal Hamas documents reveal that during the operation, a joint intelligence war room was established in Beirut, staffed by Hamas, Hezbollah and the IRGC. Through this channel, Hezbollah supplied Hamas with intelligence on request. Khaled Ghanem, then head of Hamas’s overseas military intelligence, wrote in an internal report that the war room was operational from the second day of fighting through the day after it ended, and that Hamas had requested—and received—information on Israeli military deployments, aerial intelligence activity and fighter jet movements.
That wasn’t the only intelligence Hezbollah seemingly had access to.
One of the most striking disclosures involves the Israeli military’s “Metro” operation—a deception designed to lure Hamas fighters into their tunnel network by making them believe a ground invasion was imminent so Israeli forces could then strike underground. According to the same Hamas intelligence report, it was Hezbollah that tipped Hamas off, roughly two hours before the ground assault began, that the operation wasn’t a real invasion at all but a ploy to draw fighters into the open and build a target bank—effectively exposing the Israeli bluff before it worked. A senior Israeli security official who helped command the operation later confirmed to Army Radio that Hezbollah did indeed play a significant role in unraveling that ruse.
The documents also reveal that Hezbollah helped Hamas avoid the targeted killing of Ahmad Ghandour, commander of the northern Gaza brigade (later killed during the current war), by detecting a buildup of Israeli intelligence surveillance over his location in the Jabaliya refugee camp and warning Hamas roughly two hours in advance that an assassination attempt on a senior figure appeared imminent.
Despite this support—along with tacit approval for Palestinian factions in Lebanon to fire rockets into Israel from Lebanese territory—Hamas came away from the operation disappointed. In one exchange, a senior Hamas official abroad pressed Hezbollah’s response coordinator to push for greater involvement in order to tie down Israeli forces in the north, complaining that Hezbollah’s support so far had been limited.
A year later, in May 2022, a pivotal meeting took place in Beirut: senior Hamas officials sat down with Nasrallah and a senior Iranian Revolutionary Guard general. The Hamas delegation argued conditions were ripe for expanding the conflict with Israel into a full-scale, multi-front campaign—pointing to a wave of terror attacks then sweeping the West Bank and Israeli cities, Israel’s fragile political standing at the time (the meeting came just two days after the ruling coalition shrank to 59 Knesset seats and two months before the Bennett-Lapid government collapsed), and a wave of regional normalization that Hamas wanted to derail.
Surprisingly, Nasrallah didn’t embrace the idea. He told the Hamas delegation the concept was sound in principle and worth discussing, but insisted any campaign first needed clearly defined objectives. Did Hamas expect this confrontation to force a complete Israeli withdrawal? Or was the aim something more limited, like simply preventing Jews from entering the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound—a modest goal, he noted, that wouldn’t require war at all? In effect, Nasrallah was asking Hamas to define its strategy and war aims before he’d commit Hezbollah to anything.
Hamas reported back to Sinwar that they hadn’t yet defined clear war objectives and that Nasrallah remained hesitant. Sinwar responded with his plan.
The most ambitious scenario—internally called “The Second Promise” (later renamed the “Jericho Wall” plan behind October 7)—envisioned Hamas striking with full force in a surprise, multi-front war aimed at toppling Israel. Sinwar called it the preferred option, tying its timing to a Jewish holiday—Passover, most fittingly. This is the first evidence that he didn’t originally target October 7 at all; he was initially eyeing Passover 2023. He also sketched softer scenarios involving partial Hezbollah participation, but in every version treated the Jordanian border as key, envisioning guerrilla forces infiltrating from Syria and Jordan.
Nasrallah responded favorably, calling it a realistic scenario, and said he’d bring it to Khamenei for final approval.
By June 2023, Sinwar appeared confident that Hezbollah and Iran were coming around. Addressing Hamas’s political bureau in Gaza, he said recent efforts had succeeded in pulling both out of what he called their lingering psychological trauma from the 2006 Second Lebanon War, and that they were now highly prepared to form an alliance with Hamas for a future campaign.
Two months before the attack, in August 2023, Sinwar addressed Hamas’s Shura Council, sounding even more certain, telling members that if the great strategic campaign broke out, multiple fronts would open against Israel.
Not everyone inside Hamas shared his confidence. An internal military intelligence document from around that time referenced a lingering “psychological barrier” on Hezbollah’s part, along with hesitation within Hamas’s own ranks about how reliable that support would really be.
None of that seems to have shaken Sinwar. At 6:29 that morning, having caught Israel completely by surprise, he sent a letter to Nasrallah apologizing for the lack of advance warning and urging him to join the fight immediately, asking for a concentrated rocket barrage and a major ground offensive. He was met with silence.
In the hours that followed, Sinwar himself appears to have been stunned to find Hezbollah wasn’t joining him. Only a full day later did any assistance arrive—and even then, it was relatively symbolic in scale.
Had Hezbollah joined the fight as Sinwar expected, October 7 would have been incalculably worse. In the end, it was Nasrallah’s hesitation—not Israeli preparedness—that spared the Galilee from a similar fate.
A propósito del cumpleaños de Estados Unidos.
En 1776, cuando trece colonias declararon su independencia, Francia tenía rey e Italia y Alemania todavía no existían como los conocemos hoy. Desde entonces, Francia ha tenido una revolución, dos imperios, dos restauraciones monárquicas, cinco repúblicas y 15 constituciones. Estados Unidos ha tenido una sola, la de 1787. Es la constitución escrita más antigua del mundo.
Estados Unidos nos deja varias enseñanzas y paradojas que los abogados latinoamericanos solemos pasar por alto. Nos formamos mirando a Europa (el derecho romano, el código de Napoleón, la dogmática alemana), pero la arquitectura constitucional que habitamos todos los días es americana. Constitución escrita, supremacía constitucional, presidencialismo, pesos y contrapesos: todo eso se ensambló por primera vez en Filadelfia, no en Roma, ni en París, ni en Berlín. Y el control judicial de las leyes, que hoy consideramos la joya del constitucionalismo europeo, nació en 1803 con Marbury vs. Madison, cuando el juez Marshall sostuvo que una ley contraria a la Constitución debía ser declarada inexequible. Kelsen diseñó el primer tribunal constitucional europeo (el austriaco) apenas en 1920 y el alemán llegaría en 1951. Colombia, dicho sea de paso, siguió la ruta americana antes que la kelseniana: la acción pública de inconstitucionalidad de 1910 es anterior a cualquier tribunal europeo.
Segunda paradoja que muchos pasan por alto es que Europa, cuna del derecho occidental, tuvo que ser reconstruida jurídicamente por Estados Unidos después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. El Plan Marshall no solo levantó puentes y fábricas, sino que hizo parte de una arquitectura institucional, jurídica y financiera diseñada por Washington: Bretton Woods, el Fondo Monetario, el Banco Mundial y el GATT. Por otra parte, los tribunales constitucionales de la posguerra (el alemán y el italiano) nacieron en una Europa vencida y reconstruida bajo la influencia de Estados Unidos, tomando en serio una idea que ya practicaban desde Marbury v. Madison: que la Constitución no es un programa político, sino una norma aplicable.
Y la tercera paradoja, la más silenciosa: los contratos. Somos herederos de Roma, del consensualismo, de la buena fe objetiva y de la ley supletoria. Pero lea cualquier contrato de fusiones y adquisiciones o financiación en Bogotá, París, Milán o Frankfurt: M&A, due diligence, representations and warranties, condiciones precedentes, cláusulas MAC, indemnidades y closing. El drafting es totalmente americano: la obsesión por cubrir todas las contingencias y no dejar nada a la ley supletoria, ni al juez, ni a la buena fe. El derecho continental ganó en los salones de clase, pero el derecho americano ganó en las salas de juntas, los contratos y los cierres.
Pero volvamos a la Constitución americana. ¿Por qué perduró mientras Francia alternaba entre monarquías, imperios y repúblicas, y el resto de Europa veía caer sus constituciones una tras otra? Quizás porque no nació de la razón ilustrada sino de la desconfianza. Los europeos diseñaron constituciones para realizar ideales, pero los americanos para contener hombres. "Si los hombres fueran ángeles, no haría falta gobierno", escribió Madison. La desconfianza práctica resultó más duradera que la ambición teórica.
Dos siglos y medio después, la república improbable sigue en pie. No solo como la democracia constitucional más antigua del mundo (San Marino no cuenta, lo siento), sino como una de las grandes arquitecturas invisibles de la vida moderna: en los tribunales, en los gobiernos y en los contratos con los que se compran empresas, se financian proyectos y se mueve el capital. Quizás esa sea la mejor forma de medir su triunfo.
The BBC refused to cover this. The British Parliament refused to discuss it. Ask yourself why. This is an official Hamas video showing children in Gaza being armed and trained to become terrorists. They received aid from Islamic Relief in Britain.
Hamas committed the crime of kinocide during the October 7 attacks. They forced men at gunpoint to have sex with their sisters and daughters, something we really haven’t seen in the world since Rwanda.
And yet in our Western media outlets and on our Western campuses, we Jews became the aggressors and oppressors.
1,200 Jews were butchered and burned alive, mutilated and beheaded in their homes, in their kitchens, at their dance parties for peace. They raped dozens and dozens of Israeli women and girls. They took 251 people hostage, stolen from their homes, and kept them in dark, dank holes, deep underground.
And yet at the United Nations—which was created in many ways to ensure that never again would anything like this happen to the Jewish people or to any people in the world—we Jews became the violators of human rights.
It's preposterous.
Where does it come from—this moral inversion, this moral distortion of everything we have always believed in, everything we have ever cared about?
How do we fix it?
And that is really the question I started trying to answer, the question that led me on this journey of giving speeches all over the country, in almost all 50 states over the last three years, at hundreds of schools, colleges, law schools, and churches of every denomination.
Along the way, I have had thousands of conversations with people about Israel, many of whom see the world very differently than I do.
And what I came to realize is each of these people who is chanting about Israel, they've come to believe one or more of these six main claims about Israel. The good news is, each of the six claims is totally false.
The other good news is that all of these claims are, at their core, legal claims. We do not have to shout at each other about politics. The problem with politics is that two people just shout at each other and they're never going to find common ground, because they're looking at different things that they're interested in and that they care about, and they're playing by different rules. They’re not playing on the same field.
In the law, there's only one set of rules. It applies to everybody, whether you're black, brown, or white, whether you're a man or a woman, whether you're Jewish, Muslim, or Christian. Everybody has to comply with the law.
So I thought, why not apply the same legal methodology that we have been applying for hundreds of years in courtrooms all across this country—a methodology that we know and trust because we use it where truth-telling matters most?
That is the methodology I apply to each of these six claims in the book.