Genecat

Independent researcher bridging the gap between geometric logic & AI auditing. Author of the TGM framework. Building the industrial voltmeter for the AI era. 📊

[Genecat @genecat1]

Stable Objects in an Expanding Universe: how an ‘awareness field’ can keep reality rigid while every underlying point never stops moving. https://t.co/9tesEJ6PJC

[Genecat @genecat1]

@PBDsPodcast This comment is a lazy, self-defeating gotcha that confuses "they do it" with sound policy. It's the geopolitical equivalent of "Mom, all the cool dictators are doing it."

[Genecat @genecat1]

The flaw in Thomas' reasoning is that it conflates citizenship with loyalty. A person’s hatred of the United States, or even future criminal intent, may create a national-security problem, but it does not answer the constitutional question of whether that person was born subject to U.S. jurisdiction. His hypothetical relies on an extreme fear case to attack a general legal rule. That is not strictly an equivocation, though it does blur the meaning of “jurisdiction” by sliding from legal authority to political allegiance.

[Genecat @genecat1]

@marklevinshow First-generation immigrants are 60% less likely to be incarcerated than native-born U.S. citizens. First-generation immigrant youth specifically show the most sizable decrease in offending rates. The sky isn’t falling.

[Genecat @genecat1]

The flaw in Thomas' reasoning is that it conflates citizenship with loyalty. A person’s hatred of the United States, or even future criminal intent, may create a national-security problem, but it does not answer the constitutional question of whether that person was born subject to U.S. jurisdiction. His hypothetical relies on an extreme fear case to attack a general legal rule. That is not strictly an equivocation, though it does blur the meaning of “jurisdiction” by sliding from legal authority to political allegiance.

[Genecat @genecat1]

And flawed. Thomas' reasoning is that birthright conflates citizenship with loyalty. A person’s hatred of the United States, or even future criminal intent, may create a national-security problem, but it does not answer the constitutional question of whether that person was born subject to U.S. jurisdiction. His hypothetical relies on an extreme fear case to attack a general legal rule. That is not strictly an equivocation, though it does blur the meaning of “jurisdiction” by sliding from legal authority to political allegiance.

[Genecat @genecat1]

@MegynKellyShow First-generation babies are 60% less likely to be incarcerated than native-born U.S. citizens. First-generation youth specifically show the most sizable decrease in offending rates.

[Genecat @genecat1]

The flaw in Thomas' reasoning is that it conflates citizenship with loyalty. A person’s hatred of the United States, or even future criminal intent, may create a national-security problem, but it does not answer the constitutional question of whether that person was born subject to U.S. jurisdiction. His hypothetical relies on an extreme fear case to attack a general legal rule. That is not strictly an equivocation, though it does blur the meaning of “jurisdiction” by sliding from legal authority to political allegiance. Fwiw: First-generation immigrants are 60% less likely to be incarcerated than native-born U.S. citizens. First-generation immigrant youth specifically show the most sizable decrease in offending rates.

[Genecat @genecat1]

@KariLake @OANN @DanNewsManBall Fwiw: First-generation immigrants are 60% less likely to be incarcerated than native-born U.S. citizens. First-generation immigrant youth specifically show the most sizable decrease in offending rates.

[Genecat @genecat1]

@TrustDML Fwiw: First-generation immigrants are 60% less likely to be incarcerated than native-born U.S. citizens. First-generation immigrant youth specifically show the most sizable decrease in offending rates.

[Genecat @genecat1]

@SenRandPaul Fwiw: First-generation immigrants are 60% less likely to be incarcerated than native-born U.S. citizens. First-generation immigrant youth specifically show the most sizable decrease in offending rates.

[Genecat @genecat1]

The basis for Dershowitz's reasoning is flawed--it conflates citizenship with loyalty. A person’s hatred of the United States, or even future criminal intent, may create a national-security problem, but it does not answer the constitutional question of whether that person was born subject to U.S. jurisdiction. His argument relies on an extreme fear case to attack a general legal rule. Fwiw, first-generation immigrants are 60% less likely to be incarcerated than native-born U.S. citizens. First-generation immigrant youth specifically show the most sizable decrease in offending rates.

[Genecat @genecat1]

The flaw in Justice Thomas' reasoning is that it conflates citizenship with loyalty. A person’s hatred of the United States, or even future criminal intent, may create a national-security problem, but it does not answer the constitutional question of whether that person was born subject to U.S. jurisdiction. His hypothetical relies on an extreme fear case to attack a general legal rule. That is not strictly an equivocation, though it does blur the meaning of “jurisdiction” by sliding from legal authority to political allegiance. Fwiw: First-generation immigrants are 60% less likely to be incarcerated than native-born U.S. citizens. First-generation immigrant youth specifically show the most sizable decrease in offending rates.

[Genecat @genecat1]

The flaw in Justice Thomas' reasoning is that it conflates citizenship with loyalty. A person’s hatred of the United States, or even future criminal intent, may create a national-security problem, but it does not answer the constitutional question of whether that person was born subject to U.S. jurisdiction. His hypothetical relies on an extreme fear case to attack a general legal rule. That is not strictly an equivocation, though it does blur the meaning of “jurisdiction” by sliding from legal authority to political allegiance. Fwiw: First-generation immigrants are 60% less likely to be incarcerated than native-born U.S. citizens. First-generation immigrant youth specifically show the most sizable decrease in offending rates.

[Genecat @genecat1]

The flaw in Justice Thomas' reasoning is that it conflates citizenship with loyalty. A person’s hatred of the United States, or even future criminal intent, may create a national-security problem, but it does not answer the constitutional question of whether that person was born subject to U.S. jurisdiction. His hypothetical relies on an extreme fear case to attack a general legal rule. That is not strictly an equivocation, though it does blur the meaning of “jurisdiction” by sliding from legal authority to political allegiance.
Fwiw: First-generation immigrants are 60% less likely to be incarcerated than native-born U.S. citizens. First-generation immigrant youth specifically show the most sizable decrease in offending rates.

[Genecat @genecat1]

The flaw in Justice Thomas' reasoning is that it conflates citizenship with loyalty. A person’s hatred of the United States, or even future criminal intent, may create a national-security problem, but it does not answer the constitutional question of whether that person was born subject to U.S. jurisdiction. His hypothetical relies on an extreme fear case to attack a general legal rule. That is not strictly an equivocation, though it does blur the meaning of “jurisdiction” by sliding from legal authority to political allegiance.
Fwiw: First-generation immigrants are 60% less likely to be incarcerated than native-born U.S. citizens. First-generation immigrant youth specifically show the most sizable decrease in offending rates.

[Genecat @genecat1]

The flaw in Justice Thomas' reasoning is that it conflates citizenship with loyalty. A person’s hatred of the United States, or even future criminal intent, may create a national-security problem, but it does not answer the constitutional question of whether that person was born subject to U.S. jurisdiction. His hypothetical relies on an extreme fear case to attack a general legal rule. That is not strictly an equivocation, though it does blur the meaning of “jurisdiction” by sliding from legal authority to political allegiance.

[Genecat @genecat1]

@RedWavePress First-generation immigrants are 60% less likely to be incarcerated than native-born U.S. citizens. First-generation immigrant youth specifically show the most sizable decrease in offending rates. But exaggeration, not fact, is the requirement for MAGA membership.

[Genecat @genecat1]

@Geiger_Capital First-generation immigrants are 60% less likely to be incarcerated than native-born U.S. citizens. First-generation immigrant youth specifically show the most sizable decrease in offending rates. You shouldn't be trusted to manage anyone's money other than your own.

[Genecat @genecat1]

The flaw in Trump's reasoning is that it conflates citizenship with loyalty. A person’s hatred of the United States, or even future criminal intent, may create a national-security problem, but it does not answer the constitutional question of whether that person was born subject to U.S. jurisdiction. His hypothetical relies on an extreme fear case to attack a general legal rule. That is not strictly an equivocation, though it does blur the meaning of “jurisdiction” by sliding from legal authority to political allegiance.

[Genecat @genecat1]

The flaw in Justice Thomas' reasoning is that it conflates citizenship with loyalty. A person’s hatred of the United States, or even future criminal intent, may create a national-security problem, but it does not answer the constitutional question of whether that person was born subject to U.S. jurisdiction. His hypothetical relies on an extreme fear case to attack a general legal rule. That is not strictly an equivocation, though it does blur the meaning of “jurisdiction” by sliding from legal authority to political allegiance.