Excellent video, mainly about quantum mechanics. For what it's worth, this framework is what I worked out for myself after high school. I obsessed over it for years until discovering #georgism, i.e., how everyone was totally wrong about economics, which was easier on my brain but terrible for my spirit.
I am optimistic that we will one day make contact to extraterrestrials because I don't think that the speed of light is a fundamental limit. Here I explain why and I have a brief summary below.
THE RAPE GANG INQUIRY: WHAT THEY HID
This is a summary of one document. One. There are dozens like it, buried in council archives, police files, court records. This one was compiled by Rupert Lowe and his team. It exists because the government refused to hold a national inquiry. Read that again: refused.
The numbers first. The numbers are what they tried to bury.
THE SCALE
250,000 victims. Minimum. That's the conservative estimate from researchers who had to fight for data that councils refused to release. In Rotherham alone: 1,400 girls. Rochdale: 1,200. Oxford: 300. Telford: 1,000. Newcastle: 700. These are not clusters. These are not isolated incidents. This is industrial-scale sexual slavery operating in every major English city for three decades.
The perpetrators: 87% Muslim men. Specifically, Pakistani Muslim men. In some towns, 100%. The report documents cases where councils knew this demographic reality and ordered staff not to mention it. Not to investigate it. Not to save the children.
THE METHODOLOGY
This was not crime. This was systematized predation with a cultural script.
The gangs operated on a template. Recruit vulnerable white working-class girls age 11 to 16 from care homes, from broken families, from estates where no one asks questions. Groom them with alcohol, drugs, affection. Then trap them. Debt bondage. Physical violence. Threats against family. Rape as initiation. Gang rape as currency. Trafficking between cities Sheffield to Manchester to Leeds to Birmingham a network of abuse that functioned like a supply chain.
The report documents "red rooms" locations where girls were held for days, raped by dozens of men, filmed for distribution. It documents forced religious conversion, girls made to pray to Allah while being raped. It documents Islamic justifications cited by perpetrators: that white girls were "kuffar," that they deserved punishment, that the Quran permitted the taking of non-Muslim women as spoils.
One survivor, Chloe, testified that her rapist told her: "You are white trash. You are nothing. You exist for our pleasure." She was 13.
THE INSTITUTIONAL COLLAPSE
Police knew. Social services knew. Councils knew. They knew for years.
Maggie Oliver, the detective who blew open Rochdale, testified that senior officers actively obstructed investigations. That files were "lost." That witnesses were intimidated by police into silence. That the Crown Prosecution Service declined to prosecute cases with "sufficient evidence" because the girls were deemed "unreliable witnesses" meaning they were traumatized, meaning they were drug-addicted, meaning they were working class and female and white and no one cared.
The report contains internal council emails from Rotherham. One senior manager wrote: "We must be careful not to inflame community tensions." This was in 2003. While 1,400 girls were being raped. The "community" they feared inflaming was the Pakistani Muslim community. The girls were the acceptable collateral damage.
In Telford, police classified the abuse as "consensual relationships" between men in their 30s and girls aged 12. In Oxford, social workers returned a girl to her rapist's house after she escaped, telling her she was "overreacting." In Newcastle, the council funded a "community cohesion" program while the grooming gang operated blocks away.
THE POLITICAL COVER-UP
This is where the report becomes explosive. Not just negligence. Active political protection.
Sadiq Khan, Mayor of London, denied grooming gangs existed in London while holding evidence they did. The report documents his office receiving detailed intelligence in 2016 and classifying it "not for disclosure."
Andy Burnham, Mayor of Greater Manchester, blocked investigators from accessing Rochdale documents for three years. He cited "data protection." The victims' data was not protected. The perpetrators' data was.
Jess Phillips, MP for Birmingham Yardley, voted against a national inquiry in Parliament in 2022. Called it "racist grandstanding." Her constituency includes areas where the report documents active grooming gangs operating during her tenure.
Keir Starmer, as Director of Public Prosecutions from 2008-2013, oversaw the CPS during its most active period of declining grooming gang prosecutions. The report notes that Maggie Oliver named his CPS as bearing "great responsibility" for failures. He now calls concerned parents "far-right."
The Labour Party, specifically, is implicated at every level. Not just passive failure. Active obstruction. The report documents Labour councils in Rotherham, Rochdale, Oxford, Telford, Newcastle, Manchester all Labour strongholds all sites of mass abuse, all sites of cover-up.
THE SURVIVORS
Read their names. Remember them. They are the evidence.
Chloe. Fiona. Michelle. Whitney. Sally. Emma. Sarah. Amy. Rebecca. The report contains testimony from 47 survivors. Many spoke on condition of anonymity because their rapists are still free. Some because their families were threatened. Some because they are still being trafficked.
Chloe was 13 when she was first raped. She was trafficked to "red rooms" across the North of England. She was forcibly converted to Islam. She reported her abuse to police 15 times. Nothing happened. She attempted suicide four times. She is now 28. She has PTSD, fibromyalgia, and no faith in institutions.
Fiona's daughter was 12. She was groomed by a taxi driver who gave her free rides. Then his "cousins." Then their "friends." By 14 she had been raped by over 100 men. Police told Fiona there was "insufficient evidence." The taxi driver still operates. He has a council license.
Michelle was in care. Social services placed her with a "foster family" that was part of the grooming network. She was raped in the foster home. She reported it. She was moved to another foster home. Also part of the network. The report documents this pattern: care homes as recruitment centers, social services as delivery systems.
THE CULTURAL COMPONENT
The report addresses what the establishment refused to: the religious and cultural ideology that enabled this.
It cites Islamic texts used by perpetrators to justify abuse. It cites imams who preached that non-Muslim women were "halal" for the taking. It cites community silence the "wall of silence" described by multiple investigators, where Pakistani Muslim communities knew about the abuse and protected the abusers.
This is not "Islamophobia." This is evidence. The report contains testimony from Muslim whistleblowers who were ostracized for speaking out. It contains analysis of the "honor culture" that made white girls acceptable targets while Pakistani girls were protected.
The report is clear: not all Muslims are perpetrators. But the perpetrators were almost exclusively Muslim, and they used Islamic justifications, and they were protected by Muslim community structures, and the establishment feared naming this reality more than they feared the rape of children.
THE VERDICT
Three decades. 250,000 victims. 19,000 perpetrators. One national inquiry refused.
The report concludes with recommendations: a national inquiry, mandatory reporting, police accountability, council sackings, prosecutions for obstruction. It knows none of this will happen. It was written as evidence for history, for the record, for the survivors who need to know they were heard.
Rupert Lowe and his team compiled this because the state would not. They did the work of journalists, of police, of prosecutors, of government. They did it with no budget, no institutional support, no protection. They did it because someone had to.
WHAT HAPPENS NOW
Nothing. That is the answer. Nothing happens now.
The report will be called "far-right." The authors will be called racist. The survivors will be called liars. The perpetrators will remain free. The councils will keep their jobs. The police will keep their pensions. The politicians will keep their seats.
But now you know. Now you have the numbers, the names, the testimony, the cover-up. You have what they tried to bury.
The question is what you do with it.
Acknowledgment: This summary is based on the Rape Gang Inquiry Report compiled by Rupert Lowe and his research team. Survivor testimony is drawn from the 47 witnesses who spoke to the inquiry, many at personal risk. The full report contains evidence that has not been refuted, only ignored.
Read the full report: https://t.co/YaDscsI91P
These numbers are even better if we apply Pareto's 80/20 Law, assuming that only one in 5 of those felony robbers is committing 80% of the crime, so that means just prosecuting 1, 2, or 3 people in 10 thousand to pretty much eliminate their violent crime.
@sloberonmeknob@niagra19118@Alt_Azn Ya, he is. I just watched the full video where Killer Mike lives up to his name. Btw, that 5% meme is way off: it's much much lower.
The essence: pure absurdist wordplay on a real 16th-century African silk weaver in London named Reasonable Blackman (documented in parish records). The meme drops this historical figure into modern petty frustrations and has him respond with saintly calm, politeness, and positivity.
Why it lands: the name is comically perfect for the "reasonable everyman" archetype. It flips complaint culture on its head with anachronistic historical trivia. No deeper agenda—just silly, wholesome contrast between a Tudor tradesman and a missing dipping sauce.
To Whoopi Goldberg, Emmett Till is a "black hero" because he was killed for merely sexually assaulting a white woman
Does this sound very "heroic" to you?
"He caught my hand and told me in a clear voice, 'Don't be afraid of me, I've been with white girls before'"
"His grip was strong as he held my hand from across the counter...I feared he was going to molest me or worse. I was afraid for myself, and my babies."
"I jerked my hand free from his and dashed towards the main counter to get Roy's pistol"
"When I reached the open space between the counters, the young man Emmett...had slipped through and caught me with both of his hands on my hips"
"He was saying to me, 'What's the matter, baby? Can't you take it?'"
"I became even more frightened, as he was much larger and taller than I"
"I continued to struggle to get free from his grasp. As I was struggling, he said, 'You needn't be afraid of me, I've f--ked white women before'"
"I was about to explode with fear, as the seconds flew by. Never before, nor since, have I been that afraid"
"I jerked and twisted as hard as I could and I could feel the strong grip loosen from around my hips. Once free, I saw another young man pulling Emmett away from me"
Why does "believe all women" go out the window when the violent sex pest is black?
Whoppi: "When you see them doing all kinds of removal of information of black heroes, how does that sit with you?"
Vance: "What exactly are you talking about?"
Whoppi: "In a lot of the museums, there's just so many." 🤣
I did a wrongthink. An executive reminded, "We don't use 'Mandatory Overtime' anymore. Someone commented, "we change it as soon as it starts attaching to a negative sentiment", then I added, "Oh, just like all the other words." I'm expecting HR to ask me for my list.