Petit rappel d'actualité : la température ressentie, et donc votre santé en cas de canicule, dépendent largement de l'hygrométrie.
- 37° à 20% d'humidité, c'est pénible.
- 37° à 65% d'humidité, cela peut être mortel.
Voir le tableau de l'indice Humidex, ci-dessous.
A défaut de clim', couvrez le sol de gros sel...🙂
“They are killing enormous numbers of civilians…they are targeting one, two, three enemy combatants and in the process killing huge numbers of civilians. @piersmorgan Piers a few minutes later – “If you can’t say exactly how many civilians have been killed in Gaza, what you say about numbers is bull.”
Dear @piersmorgan I tried to explain to you where numbers in the Gaza war (or any war) are going to come from "simply.” But let me type it out so you have a record of it instead of the interruptions and the tactic of just asking the same question over and over while I explain how the numbers work. The same numbers by the way that you used minutes before to criticize Israel and constantly repeat or have guests on that repeat, or more often state not even Hamas numbers but false numbers about xx civilians, xx women, xx children, xx percentages that go beyond Hamas's actual list of casualties.
First, let me correct you again (like I did to start the segment) by providing you my actual quotes:
1 - "Israel and the IDF have implemented more measures (sometimes quoted as precautions) to prevent civilian harm in urban warfare than any military in history,"
That is testable against urban warfare history of any similar situation (mostly attack of defended urban terrain). Israel civilian harm mitigation measure have included advance notification (flyers, phone calls, text messages, voicemails, drones with speakers, tv, radio, social media), safe corridors to include improving roads used for safe corridors in the middle of the war, roof knocking (notifying all residents of a building in advance for evacuations and then using non-penetrating low-yield munitions on top of the building before then waiting to strike), over daily multi-hour pauses in fighting (over 400 days of the 800 days of fighting) to allow civilian evacuations and aid movement, establishing a one-star commanded civilian harm mitigation cell that created a real time civilian presence (using cell phone presence, drones, satellite images, etc.) software reflected on all combat operating systems, handing out their own military maps to the entire population (to include the enemy) and then communicating the location of IDF operations, areas to avoid or further evacuate, using major call outs of buildings and neighborhoods, restrictive rules of engagement based on likely civilian presence, rigorous fires processes and legal reviews that often ended in calling mission off out of civilian harm estimates. Many of these measures have never been attempted, by any military.
2 - "Israel has a lower civilian to combatant ratio than any similar context (war or battle) in the history of urban warfare.” After acknowledging the lack of comparative cases (size of enemy forces (which I asked you about, you don't know), tunnels, density, strategy, tactics, prevention of civilian evacuations) but still doing the simple analysis, in order to provide the evidence for this statement I use the same numbers you and your frequent guests push to condemn Israel. But here:
Q: How do you estimate the number of civilians deaths?
A: Take the number the Hamas Gaza Health Ministry reports (despite that it includes any death in Gaza for any reason or cause (Israel/Hamas/Other terrorists) and has been well documented with inaccuracies (even having to be updated by Hamas of natural deaths, incomplete entries, false entries) and subtract the Israel stated combatant deaths.
The Hamas Gaza Health Ministry claims roughly 72,000 deaths in Gaza. The IDF says it has killed about 25,000-26,000 combatants, a number also reported by President Trump in October 2025. If you subtract 25,000 from 72,000, even using Hamas’s number at face value, you get roughly 47,000 non-combatant deaths, or a bit less than a 2:1 ratio. If you were modest to adjust for natural deaths and Hamas-caused deaths, is likely closer to 35,000–40,000 non-combatant deaths versus 25,000 combatants killed, which puts the ratio closer to 1.5:1.
If you compare 2:1 or 1.5:1 to any numbers we have (in many cases we don’t have) for wars, urban centric wars, contested urban battles they will be some of the lowest ratios (in some cases lowest by far) ever seen despite none of those wars or battles had the context of Gaza. For example:
World War II – 70 million civilians, 20 million combatants, 3.5:1
Korean War – 2.5 million civilians, 90,000 combatants, 27:1
Iraq War – 280-300,000 civilians, 150-200,000 combatants, 1.4:1 to 2:1
But wait, the Gaza numbers are usually aggregated numbers for the entire war, any death ever reported in Gaza.
But if you disaggregate the numbers to specific battles like Rafah, Khan Yunis, Gaza City 2025 for comparison you get different numbers. Based on modest numbers from the Battle of Rafah, the civilian to combatant ratio would be more like 1:100 due to multiple operational variables like the success of civilian evacuations.
Major urban battles (modest comparison of battles with any like variables).
Mosul – 10,000 civilians. Combatant unknown but total estimate in battle 5,000 – 2:1
Manila – 100,000 civilians. Combatants 17,000 – 6:1
Seoul – Unknown/no record of civilian but very likely high ratio based on histories
Mariupol – Unknown/mass graves, estimate 20-22,000 civilians, 3-8,000 combatants - 2.5:1 to 7.3:1
I actually use this discussion about numbers or quote about ratio sparingly despite how many times it has been attribute to me because I know the complexity of casualty counting especially in urban centric wars with combatants that violate the law of war and do not distinguish themselves (uniforms/marking) making determining a body found (if there is a body) or a name reported (such as methods in Gaza) and then classifying that person as was participating in the hostilities (combatant) or not (noncombatant) is beyond just difficult and should always be viewed as questionable. In Mosul, a year after the battle there was not only no agreed upon casualty number, but the Mayor of the city also said there were 40,000 civilian deaths. These numbers are always messy, political, susceptible to manipulation by the different organizations involved.
My point has always been that numbers of casualty reporting in Gaza doesn’t paint the story people routinely push. Actually, the opposite.
Urban warfare is inherently and historically costly against civilians and the infrastructure. All wars involve noncombatant death. The moral, legal requirement is to do proportionality assessments and take feasible steps to prevent excessive civilian harm.
So, using your logic Piers, if you can’t state how many combatants were killed (by Israel, Hamas, terrorist rockets, other terrorists in power struggles) … you can’t say (or allow your guests to say) Israel has killed a “large number of civilians” or “killed a disproportionate number of civilians” like you did in this very interveiw.
You can't spend years saying Israel is killing enormous numbers of civilians and then tell me nobody can estimate civilian deaths so ratios aren't valid. Those two positions can't both be true.
If casualty estimates are reliable enough to accuse Israel, then they're also reliable enough to examine civilian-to-combatant ratios. If they aren't, then they shouldn't be used selectively only when they support one conclusion.
@Karim_cachi@McRogueD@marcelsel Netanyahu a une responsabilité énorme dans le “containment” raté du Hamas. Mais dire “Israël l’a financé donc Israël est le vrai responsable” efface le Hamas, l’Iran, le Qatar, la faillite du Fatah et le choix palestinien de 2006.
@Karim_cachi@McRogueD@marcelsel Même Hamas dit qu’il ne veut pas désarmer. Donc non, “solliciter la communauté internationale” ne résout rien si personne ne veut affronter le problème central.
@Karim_cachi@McRogueD@marcelsel Puis Jordanie/Qatar/Arabie saoudite ont refusé des troupes à Gaza, les Émirats aussi sans cadre clair. Pourquoi ? Parce qu’intervenir, ce n’est pas tweeter “paix” : c’est désarmer le Hamas et risquer d’être vu comme force d’occupation.
At long last, the UN Human Rights Council has formally acknowledged that Hamas in Gaza carried out executions, torture, improperly used medical facilities for terror purposes, and engaged in violent abuses against women and children after October 7. The report captures only a fraction of what actually occurred, in part because documenting these crimes is extraordinarily difficult and because Gazans fear retaliation if they report anything to the UN or other investigators. The findings on Hamas were buried beneath a long section on Israeli settler abuses in the West Bank, but even so, this marks a significant shift for an international body that has long struggled to speak plainly about Hamas’s brutality in Gaza.
Most importantly, the report acknowledges but barely scratches the surface of how extensively Hamas has weaponized Gaza’s medical infrastructure, embedding fighters in hospitals, using patients as shields, and turning civilian facilities into operational hubs. The UN even notes that Doctors Without Borders evacuated non-essential staff from Nasser Hospital because Hamas was interfering with the hospital’s operations.
When I shared this information, including testimonies from Gazans who documented Hamas’s fascistic behavior inside hospitals, and photos of fighters emerging from Nasser Hospital after the ceasefire, the online “pro-Palestine” chorus had nothing to offer except accusations of Zionist collaboration, accusations of betrayal, and personal insults. This UN report is an indictment not only of Hamas, a violent extremist terror organization responsible for immense suffering, but also of every activist, journalist, and academic who chose to look away. It shows that Hamas’s crimes were so egregious, so undeniable, that even a slow, hesitant, and often ineffectual body like the UNHRC could no longer pretend not to see them.
Shame on anyone who still defends Hamas or ever believed its violence constituted “resistance” on behalf of the Palestinian people.
Downgrading the epistemic credibility of Jews is absolutely essential to how the libel-narrative around the Gaza war circulated after October 7.
The propaganda coming out of Gaza was actively refuted and challenged by Jews, allies, and Jewish organizations—CAMERA (@CAMERA4Truth), HonestReporting (@HonestReporting), UN Watch (@UNWatch), Salo Aizenberg (@Aizenberg55), Andrew Fox (@Mr_Andrew_Fox), and many others. But for the mainstream media and academy to sustain the narrative, it was necessary to downgrade the credibility of these voices in advance.
The minority group was treated as less trustworthy than the majority group invested in oppressing it. This is a typical maneuver of epistemic injustice. Jewish testimony, Jewish analysis, Jewish documentation, and Jewish rebuttal were reduced to “hasbara,” and therefore marked as presumptively suspect. Without that move, antizionist libel-narratives cannot maintain the appearance of reason.
Désolé, mais partager ça (entre beaucoup d’autres fausses infos ou infos tendancieuses) n’est pas du journalisme, c’est du militantisme. L’ICJ et l’ICC n’ont pas conclu à un génocide, l’ONU non plus.
En Ukraine, vous auriez tenu deux semaines, grand maximum.
@alicefrsd
The U.N. is now attempting to redefine antisemitism out of existence.
Through its most famous appointed expert, the U.N. is erasing the term's meaning as hatred of Jews.
U.N. member states—UK, France, Germany, Sweden, Canada, Australia—must condemn this disgraceful distortion.
“I do know very well what is antisemitism. It's broader than hate against Jews. It's hate and discriminations against Semite people, including Arab people. Antisemitism is very real against Jewish people and against Arab people.”
— Francesca Albanese, repeating debunked myth
La Belgique francophone institutionnelle a un problème colossal avec la lutte contre l'antisémitisme. Ce droit de réponse du spécialiste de l'antisémitisme Joël Kotek à une déclaration de la ministre-présidente a mis plus d'une semaine à paraître dans @LeSoir.
via @karan_mersch
Comment les sorties antisémites d'un ex-candidat du Parti Socialiste belge révèle la tolérance de la gauche et des médias envers la haine antijuive. https://t.co/tPADRhk75h