Seguir tratando al Holocausto judío como un genocidio cualitativamente más grave que el resto de genocidios pasados, presentes y futuros es, de hecho, una racistada, y muchos seguís perpetuandola como borregos.
Lo escuché a Milei decir algo que muchos sostienen: que no tiene sentido que un femicidio tenga una pena mayor que un homicidio porque “ninguna vida vale más que otra”.
Ahora les consulto a los abogados:
Si el Código Penal agrava delitos según las circunstancias en que se cometen —el vínculo con la víctima, la alevosía, el uso de armas o el aprovechamiento de una situación de superioridad—, ¿por qué sería absurdo que también contemple un agravante cuando el homicidio ocurre en un contexto de violencia de género?
¿No consiste justamente el derecho penal en distinguir entre hechos que, aun teniendo el mismo resultado, son considerados más graves por las circunstancias en que se producen?
Si ibas en el 60 sentido tigre y te olvidaste una bolsa con libros de la facu y te bajaste en Avellaneda entre las 20:20 y las 20:30... Háblame que los tengo yo, así te los devuelvo!!
Por fa, compartir zona de San Fernando/Virreyes.
@CheMendele Los frutos de la ultraproductividad se están distribuyendo hacia arriba en mayores dividendos, hacia abajo en mayor explotación y peor calidad de vida. Deberíamos jubilarnos antes de los 65 no después.
Listen, no one is “vilifying” rich people.
They are actual villains. If you run a billion dollar company, give yourself millions in dollars and benefits, but pay your individual workers less than a living wage and give them pathetic insurance, what are you if not a villain?
The structure of your argument requires something that you haven't stated explicitly but that your entire position depends on:
That the Jewish experience of persecution in Europe, culminating in the Holocaust, created a moral debt that was appropriately discharged by the displacement of Palestinian Arabs who had no role in creating it.
This is the foundation.
Everything else, the partition rejection, the Arab wars, the security fears, the Hamas ideology, is superstructure built on this foundation.
And the foundation doesn't hold.
The Palestinian people of 1948 did not run the concentration camps.
They did not write the Nuremberg laws.
They did not conduct the pogroms of Eastern Europe.
They were a population living in a territory that the international community, in the aftermath of European crimes, decided to partition in favor of a settler movement.
The moral debt of the Holocaust was real.
It was paid by the wrong people.
The Palestinians paid for European antisemitism with their homeland.
This injustice does not disappear because the people who were settled on their land also had a history of genuine persecution.
Two genuine injustices can exist simultaneously.
The injustice done to Jewish people in Europe does not cancel the injustice done to Palestinian people in Palestine.
But the entire logic of the Israeli state's foundational narrative requires you not to see it that way.
It requires you to believe that the Holocaust created a permission structure that extends to 1948 and to 1967 and to the blockade and to the settlements and to everything that has followed.
That permission structure is what the original argument was dismantling.
Not the reality of Jewish suffering.
The use of Jewish suffering as a permanent ceiling on Palestinian humanity.