پیشنویس پیشنهادی قانون اساسی کنگره ملی ایرانیان ضامن آزادی، دموکراسی، سکولاریسم و مانع اعطای اختیارات تام به یک شخص، حزب یا نهاد.
از گوگل پلی و اپ استور اپلیکیشن PDCI رو دانلود کنید، در هفت اصل آن را بخوانید و به اشتراک بگذارید.
#انقلاب_قانون_اساسی
https://t.co/045OQtSN6F
@PahlaviComms فقط سخنان امیر دله، سعید خله و عليرضا سگ سیبیل اعضای دفتر تحکیم وحدت حوزه و دانشگاه و اعضای کمپین کروبی و موسوی مورد تایید شاشزاده هستند
#پهلوی_شیاد
I met Amir Etemadi about nine years ago. I had left my job at the RAND Corporation and the December 2017 Dey protests had just broken out.
I was really excited because of what Iranians were chanting in Iran.
“We don’t want the Islamic Republic.” And “Hardliners, reformists, the game is over.”
This was the first time in years, maybe decades, since large groups of Iranians had taken to the streets not to demand reforms or express outrage at rigged elections, but to demand the end of the evil regime.
This was a sign of the coming revolution. And me leaving my job finally freed me to say everything I really wanted to say about Iran. Being honest about Iran is quite challenging in Washington, D.C. You try to fly free, but there is always someone there waiting to shoot you down.
I think the break for me came during my last talk at the Atlantic Council. I had quit my job at RAND and I finally just let loose. It was my barandaz (regime overthrower) speech. Years of pent-up frustration in Iran were released as I advocated for revolution against the Islamic Republic.
I know that was the end of my relationship with one set of the Iran-focused professional class. But what I didn’t realize was that that Atlantic talk was the beginning of my long, at times hopeful, complicated, and ultimately painful relationship with Reza Pahlavi, the eldest son of the late Shah of Iran (I won’t say the last Shah because I know how much the Shahis hate it) and self-declared “leader of the national uprising and the Lion and Sun revolution.”
I had just uttered a few words about him at the Atlantic Council talk, but unbeknownst to me, even the few neutral to positive words about him had triggered intense excitement and curiosity about me in the Pahlavist world.
That’s how I met Amir Etemadi. I’ll leave the details and characters involved to another time, but Etemadi was at the time quite different from the man you’ll meet today. He had been imprisoned in Iran for his political activities and appeared to have suffered gravely at the hands of the regime. He also appeared genuinely devoted to saving Iran.
He was from Lahijan, a town in Gilan province in northern Iran, the same area of Iran where the Pahlavis are from.
Amir seemed like a calm, collected, and easy-going guy. His rather light complexion and green eyes gave him a somewhat innocent look. At the time, Etemadi spoke of liberal democracy and human rights. He claimed that he belonged to a group called the Iranian Liberal Students Group in Iran, members of which adhered to “classical” liberal democracy.
I have not managed to find any information on this group.
In fact, Etemadi and his friends belonged to Islamist reformist student associations such as Tahkim-e Vahdat (Office of Strengthening Unity). Etemadi even campaigned for Mehdi Karroubi, ex-speaker of parliament, a close ally of Ayatollah Khomeini, and now jailed critic of Iranian dictator Ali Khamenei. Which is pretty rich, because Etemadi and his buddies label anyone who is not a monarchist as a supporter of the Islamic Republic when they were once in the arms of the regime.
In addition to becoming Pahlavi’s top advisor, Etemadi also assembled a group of activists into a political “action group” to combat the regime. The group was called Farashgard, or Iran Revival. According to Zoroastrian theology, Farashgard signifies the end of time, when good finally triumphs over Ahriman (evil), and the world is restored to purity and perfection. Farashgard was the political and social equivalent of a revolution against the regime and the birth of a new Iran.
I really liked the idea of Farashgard and the concept of reviving or resurrecting Iran after the regime’s near destruction of the country. Farashgard used Zoroastrian imaging and messages, which really resonated with me like no other group had before. I had never really been a practicing Muslim—at the age of eight or so my Qoran teacher in Iran (a mean lady in a black head scarf) had hit me hard on the head for not reading the Qoran correctly.
I ran far away from Islam and never looked back.
But I have always been intrigued by Zoroastrianism since I could remember. Beyond its beauty as a humanistic system of ethics, I felt connected to the “Iranian-ness” of Zoroastrianism in a way that’s hard to articulate.
Etemadi and the other members of Farashgard told me that they had a network across the globe, including in Iran. This was impressive, because it was notoriously difficult to organize any sort of opposition to the brutal regime. But that was just an exaggeration to fool me, and one day fool the necessary foreign officials needed to place Pahlavi on the Peacock Throne.
Soon, Farashgard fell apart. Etemadi was controlling and secretive, and often at war with other members of the group (I was never a member of the group, but a friendly observer).
The power plays within the group seemed silly and trivial, but they displayed a side of Etemadi that I believe has greatly contributed to Pahlavi’s disastrous “leadership” of the monarchists.
Since meeting Etemad, Pahlavi has cast aside all of his life-long advisors, including some who have known him since childhood.
Etemadi exercises considerable power over Pahlavi.
He maintains very tight control of the gate to Pahlavi. Few can penetrate it. And anyone who approaches it, even with friendly intention, is viewed as a potential threat.
He also writes Pahlavi’s speeches and even controls the conversation with reporters (no challenging questions allowed).
Several former Pahlavists have told me that he controls all of Pahlavi’s social media.
He also advises him on his most important campaigns and decisions. Etemadi most likely played a major role in Pahlavi’s decision to call unarmed Iranians into the streets on January 8 and 9 earlier this year. According to multiple sources, the regime massacred more than thirty thousand people on those two nights.
But Etemadi’s absolutist political positions have harmed Pahlavi’s appeal among American and European officials, not to mention the rest of the opposition and broad section of Iranian society.
According to Etemadi, only Pahlavi is qualified to lead the opposition and even Iran. No one else can emerge as a potential leader, especially women like Masih Alinejad and Nargess Mohammadi.
Etemadi is particularly opposed to the Woman, Life, Freedom movement, and I believe played an important role in convincing Pahlavi to ditch the opposition Georgetown coalition, which was at the time a hopeful sign for a notoriously divided opposition.
Since his departure from the Georgetown coalition, Pahlavi’s supporters have launched an unrelenting campaign of online and off-line harassment and intimidation against non-monarchist opponents of the regime.
I have been a target myself, especially since I left Pahlavi’s orbit about three years ago.
Along with thousands of on-line threats and interminable foul language, I have received particularly alarming death threats.
Some of the harassment and the threats emanate from real Pahlavi supporters. But I believe that the Islamic Republic and other foreign powers are behind the campaign as well.
The goal is to present Pahlavi as the only possible leader of the opposition and the only alternative to the Islamic Republic.
The Pahlavists may not be where they are today without Etemadi and his gang. Their intimidation of other Iranians have made Pahlavi stand out above all other opposition figures. But the rise in his profile has come with a high cost as well- Pahlavi has alienated decent and professional people who could have helped him create a much different movement acceptable to the international community and a bigger portion of Iranian society.
Instead, Pahlavi’s movement often behaves as a cult of personality opposed to democracy and the concept of the individual as a free thinking and acting being. The Pahlavists do not tolerate any criticism or questioning of their sovereign, as the vile treatment of Christian Amanpour by a Pahlavist demonstrated.
The recent Pahlavist rally in Munich, Germany showed some of the worst characteristics of the Pahlavist movement: extreme nationalism, ethnic chauvinism, and unmistakable signs of fascist ideology.
I have realized Pahlavi’s advisors are primarily motivated by the lust for power and prestige and revenge against those who have hurt them. They see their success in the world as dependent on Pahlavi’s ascent and see their political objectives as achievable through force and aggression.
What Farashgard presented itself initially to be was the kind of revival many had hoped for, one rooted in Iran’s ancient Zoroastrian principles such as good thoughts, good words, and good deeds. But Etemadi and his gang have proven that they neither believe in nor practice these principles.
Not every Iranian monarchist believes in their ideology. Many monarchists I know are constitutionalist monarchists and are real democrats. I know that they are deeply unhappy with Pahlavi and are very suspicious of the Etemadi gang.
It pains me to see Iranians become radicalized by this movement. Women and men who enjoy personal freedom and democracy in Western countries act like political commissars and street thugs when it comes to Iran.
Some of the young Pahlavists I see today are filled with rage, not just toward the Islamic Republic, but also toward people like me.
Whoever means to divide us has done an excellent job.
I have no hate toward Pahlavi and his supporters, no matter how much some of them may despise me.
I want freedom for them and for all Iranians.
But freedom cannot be achieved with dogmatism and a totalitarian mentality.
I hope that one day Etemadi and his friends read and learn from the teachings of the great Zoroaster, who said that “What I hold good for the self, I should for all.”
We will only win as one or lose as one.
I hope they see the light.
#رضا_پهلوی در ادامه پروژه سه ساله کارفرماهای خارجی ، یاران نایاک�� و نفوذیهای جمهوری اسلامی برای گسست اجتماعی و بی اعتمادی عمومی و شکاف عمیق اتنیکی در راستای بقای جمهوری اسلامی و در صورت فروپاشی جمهوری اسلامی ، جنگ داخلی و فروپاشی سرزمینی ایران ، به اتحاد احزاب کورد برای سرنگونی جمهوری اسلامی و رسیدن ایران به یک نظام دموکراتیک متکثر حمله کرد
از این به بعد مسئول تمام اتفاقات و جنگهای آینده و گسست اجتماعی و اتنیکی و افزایش تمایلات استقلال طلبانه و نفرت نژادی به عهده #رضا_پهلوی خائن و تیمش و پشتیبانانش است
#زن_زندگی_آزادی_جمهوری_ایرانی
#نه_سلطنت_نه_رهبری_دموکراسی_برابری
امروز آقای پهلوی اطلاعیهای منتشر کرده و بار دیگر کردها را تحت عنوان تجزیهطلب ته��ید به سرکوب توسط ارتشی که هنوز تشکیل نشده کردهاند و از حالا سرکوب کردها را «وظیفه ملی و میهنی» چنان ارتشی قلمداد نمودهاند.
بگذارید صراحتا و یک بار دیگر اعلام کنم که مردم کردستان در مبارزه علیه جمهوری اسلامی و در تلاش برای یک ایران مبتنی بر دموکراسی کثرتگرا، حقوق بشر و مشارکت سیاسی که متضمن تأمین حقوق همه ملیتها از جمله کردها باشد کاملا متحد هستند. شرکت یا عدم شرکت ما در این یا آن ائتلاف مشخص، هیچ خدشهای به این باور اصولی و به این همبستگی بنیادی وارد نمیکند.
این نوع اظهارات همچنین نه فقط کمکی به اتحاد و همبستگی مردم ایران که بزرگترین سلاح ما در ��برد با دشمن غداری مانند رژیم جمهوری اسلامی است نمیکند٫ بلکه با تزریق نفرت و ایجاد دشمنی در میان مردم به تفرقهافکنی و تخریب همبستگی بین شهروندان میپردازد و با تکرار دروغهای این رژیم به سرکوبهای تاکنونی نیز حقانیت میبخشد.
در پایان هشدار میدهم که آنچه را رژیم جلاد جمهوری اسلامی طی چهل و هفت سال کشتار و سرکوب نتوانست در بزانو درآوردن کردها و خاموش کردن صدای حقطلبانه آنها به دست آورد، شما نیز نخواهید توانست حاصل کنید. جائی که پدران و پدربزرگان نتوانستند با همه زورها و اعدامها و تبعیدها و ترفندها ملت کرد را هویتزدائی کنند، از شما نیز کاری ساخته نخ��اهد بود. از این اطلاعیه نیز جز ننگین کردن نامتان و کارنامهتان طرفی برنخواهید بست.
جاکش پفیوز شهید زنده همونی هستی که هویت و قتل حدیث نجفی قهرمان رو تکذیب کردی، بارها به دستور واجا روح الله زم رو مزدور و شیاد خطاب کردی، خودت رو جر دادی که خامنهای مزدور روسیه نیست و توی مسکو تعلیم ندیده و... مزدور صادراتی تدارکاتچی و رفیق فاب حمید نوری🤮
https://t.co/bUcyVLdSBq
@iraj_mesdaghi من نمیدونم کسایی که تو رو دنبالت میکنن و قبولت دارن چجوری این حجم از تناقص و خارکسگی براشون قابل هضمه!!!
آفتاب پرست هم اینطوری به این سرعت رنگ عوض نمیکنه جاکش!
همونطوری که حکومت پهلوی رو تخریب میکردی شهید زنده مصداقی شیاد حالا شدی سوپر سلطنت طلب مجیز گو و تخریبچی کلاغ قمیکلا!!!
NO! The Iranian Nazi regime should not “make a deal.” No more phony deals and fake peace declarations with that regime. It must UNCONDITIONALLY SURRENDER in every respect and face a wartime tribunal or be DESTROYED!
وضعیت مشاوران رضا پخمه 😐 یکی از یکی بدتر
همشون صادر شده از دل ولایت وقیح وزارت اطلاعات عجیب نیست !!!! چه نتیجه ای از خود رضا باید گرفت ! جز اینه که خود رضا پهلوی نیابتی خامنه ای با مشتی مشاوران که چپ و راست خود این نظام هستند هست .
#نه_شاه_نه_شیخ#نه_به_فاشیست#No
♦️شبکهٔ ۱۴ اسرائیل برای نخستین بار افشا کرد که محمدجواد ظریف در جریان اعتراضات اخیر چندین بار با رضا پهلوی، تماس داشته و سپس حسن روحانی را در جریان این تماسها قرار داده است
با این افشاگری بیسابقه اسرائیلیها، حالا بهتر میتوان به دلایل ارتباط رضا پهلوی با نایاک و چهرههایی نظیر
یکی از نخبه های سطلی ها مسترکنگرلو هست ایشون از خمینی سند میاره که محمدرضاشاه وآخوندزاده فرح دیبا حامی اسلام نبودن و اسلام رو هم تخریب می کردن!آخه سطلی فیریکدان اون عکس امیرالمومنین روی سفره هفت سین چه غلطی میکنه!واقعا فرهنگ ایران این بود که سال جدید رو با دشمن ایران تحویل کنند