Honour

Hailed from kaduna,, an ABU Alumni,A Surveyor 🌍,A Culer

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[Honour @ismaMusa702]

@aliyuwali220 InshaAllah

[Honour @ismaMusa702]

@FCBarcelona Once Barca post ur picture like this in this transfer window...u are leaving 😂🫴

[Honour @ismaMusa702]

@FabrizioRomano Ferran Torres’ Barcelona chapter is finally coming to an end. €55M in, €55M out — at least Barça avoid taking a financial hit. 😅
208 appearances and 65 goals, but the missed chances and inconsistency will probably define his spell more than the numbers.

[Honour @ismaMusa702]

@FabrizioRomano Thanks and pls don't comeback 🥹🫴

[Honour @ismaMusa702]

@Peteroffiah1 @FCBarcelona Yea that's the new trend😂

[Honour @ismaMusa702]

@Proud_Aboki Allah ya jaddadamu akan sunnah

[Honour @ismaMusa702]

Things happened

[Aliyu Halliru Wali @aliyuwali220]

The Thief Who Was Never Caught: Uba Sani and the Art of Venality

By Omotayo Kehinde

On my free days I love reading, and being the son of a retired politician we have stacks of old newspapers at home. While digging through the archives I came across a 2007 petition that made me sit back and stare.

It was filed on 20 February 2007 by the Nigeria Probity Forum and addressed to the Code of Conduct Bureau. The petition detailed the alleged corrupt enrichment of Mallam Uba Sani, then Special Assistant to the President on Public Affairs. Within just four months of assuming office in September 2006, Sani had supposedly acquired assets worth $4 million. The properties listed were striking:

- A five-bedroom duplex at 111 Yakubu Gowon Crescent, Asokoro, Abuja
- A seven-bedroom duplex at 45 Ali Akilu Crescent in the Aso Rock area
- A six-bedroom duplex under construction at 48 Ali Akilu Crescent
- A fleet of luxury cars including a Mercedes-Benz E-Class, a Peugeot 407, a Peugeot 406, and a Honda Civic for his wife

The question was simple and damning: how could a man on a civil servant’s salary afford such opulence in four months? Yet there is no record of any serious investigation, no summons, no forfeiture, no consequence. He kept his job. Some alleged the then EFCC leadership was friendly toward him and focused only on opposition figures. The petition simply disappeared into the bureaucratic void where so many Nigerian corruption cases go to die.

Reading it, one sees that Uba Sani understood the game perfectly. In this country corruption is often less a crime than a test of how well you navigate the system. He knew the Code of Conduct Bureau was weak and politically constrained, that the anti-corruption drive of the time was largely theatrical, and that loyalty plus the right connections usually guaranteed safety. So he continued, emboldened by silence. A thief who is never caught rarely stops.

The petition was filed, a few articles appeared, the public murmured briefly, and then everyone moved on. In Nigeria we have developed a remarkable capacity for amnesia when it comes to the powerful. It was apparently acceptable for a presidential aide to acquire $4 million in assets in four months as long as he had the right godfathers and knew how to play the game.

Sani’s ascent continued unscathed—from the shadows of the presidency to the Senate and eventually to the Government House in Kaduna.

Now the people of Kaduna State have as their governor a man whose early political career rested on unexamined wealth and zero accountability. He controls the state budget, contracts for roads and schools, security votes, and local government allocations—the hopes and livelihoods of over ten million people, many among the poorest in the nation.

What does a man who once allegedly accumulated the equivalent of $32,000 a day do when he controls billions of naira in public funds? The answer fills one with deep unease. The thief who was not stopped in 2007 is now a mature and seasoned operator who has spent nearly two decades learning exactly how far the boundaries can be pushed.

This is the Nigeria we have built: petitions are filed and forgotten, investigations announced and abandoned, corruption treated as a rite of passage rather than a disqualification. Uba Sani understood the rules and waited; the system protected him. Seventeen years later that same man sits in the governor’s office in Kaduna, a state that desperately needs honest, transparent leadership.

The archives have spoken. The people of Kaduna, many of whom live on less than two dollars a day, now live under a governor who never had to explain the $4 million that appeared in four months, never faced real consequence, and has every reason to believe the same impunity still applies. They deserve better.

Copied

[Aliyu Halliru Wali @aliyuwali220]

He Betrayed Gani Fawehinmi, He Betrayed Abubakar Rimi, He Betrayed The Struggle For Democracy. Who is El-Rufai @elrufai ?

By Omotayo Kehinde

Reading this 2007 The Week article feels like reading today’s news. Uba Sani has always been Uba Sani.

The current political drama in Kaduna between Governor Uba Sani @ubasanius and his predecessor Nasir El-Rufai has drawn national attention. To those who have followed Sani’s past, the “betrayal” narrative is unsurprising. What El-Rufai’s supporters call treachery from a once-trusted protégé is simply a pattern documented nearly two decades ago.

In 2007, *THEWEEK* magazine published a damning investigation that stripped away Sani’s image as a human rights and pro-democracy activist. It alleged he was compromised by security agents in June 1994 and became an informant and agent provocateur for the State Security Service under the Abacha regime. He reportedly fed them the programmes of the pro-democracy community, leading to the arrest of activists and raids on the homes and offices of figures including Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti, Barrister Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Sylvester Odion-Akhaire, the late Col. Yohanna Madaki, and Mallam Balarabe Musa.

Madaki severed contact with Sani after warnings from sympathetic SSS officers and told Beko that Sani was “not an activist but a mole.” Beko gave him the benefit of the doubt until security men raided his home and confronted him with the exact proceedings of Campaign for Democracy meetings—proof of the leaks. Journalists close to Sani in Kaduna were also sold out. He was paid for the information he passed and worked closely with Gadzama, then Kaduna State SSS director. He also allegedly fed the late Wada Nas with information that boosted Nas’s relevance in the Abacha government.

The most striking claim: in 1997 Sani approached Col. Abubakar Umar for airfare to a human-rights conference in Ghana organised against the Abacha regime. Umar provided tickets. Sani allegedly used the trip to record the entire proceedings with devices supplied by the SSS, gathered the documents, and delivered them to Nas’s office. Nas later brandished the confidential materials on national television. In some cases Sani reportedly invented stories, including claims of armed invasion and bombings.

This is the same man who today wraps himself in the language of democracy, inclusion and good governance while launching a probe into El-Rufai’s tenure that alleges mismanagement of about ₦423 billion and has sent the former governor to anti-graft agencies.

El-Rufai has publicly called Sani a betrayer: “He was my boy, my mentee.” He has said he has not spoken to Sani once since leaving office. When a social-media user labelled Sani “the face of a betrayer,” El-Rufai replied with a laughing emoji and the words, “He betrayed himself and lost a friend.”

Warnings existed long ago. The Nigerian Probity Forum challenged Sani. Arewa Youth Consultative Forum president Mallam Shetimah Yerima reminded people of his alleged role in revealing Campaign for Democracy strategies and handing over comrades during the Abacha years. Former Kano governor Abubakar Rimi also threatened to expose his past.

Sani’s alleged betrayal of genuine pro-democracy fighters Gani Fawehinmi (whom he now claims as a mentor), Femi Falana, Beko Ransome-Kuti and others makes his treatment of El-Rufai predictable rather than shocking. The 2007 investigation stands as a warning that was ignored by those who preferred to see a reformed activist instead of a man practised in self-preservation through betrayal.

El-Rufai appears to have learnt the lesson only after the fact. Sani’s actions against his former mentor are not a new chapter; they are the latest verse of a song that began in the Abacha years.

[Honour @ismaMusa702]

@HRRonald001 Interested

[Abdul-Aziz Na'ibi Abubakar @jrnaib2]

A CALL TO AREWA ELDERS, RELIGIOUS LEADERS, INFLUENCERS, AND CELEBRITIES: AWAKEN TO OUR REALITY, THE NORTH IS ON THE BRINK OF COLLAPSE DUE TO OUR NEGLIGENCE

It has been 79 days since the abduction of 42 students, children bursting with dreams of serving their nation. Yet, the federal government under President Bola Tinubu appears to have grown complacent, finding unwarranted relief after the rescue of the abducted Oyo students while leaving the Borno children to their fate.

Why?

Because the pressure has vanished. The North is treating this tragedy as if it were business as usual. There is no coordinated, deliberate strategy from Northerners to demand action from both the President and the Borno State Government. Meanwhile, distraught parents are left to suffer alone.

Where is the Nigeria Union of Teachers? What are the various student associations doing? What concrete steps are our lawmakers taking? What collective energy are our traditional and religious leaders exerting? Where are the voices of our celebrities, pressure groups, and social media influencers?

If our children are deterred from seeking an education because the government cannot guarantee their basic safety, what future remains for the North?

It is time to unite, confront our reality, and compel our leaders to act. Continuing on this path guarantees a dark future, without immediate intervention, the North faces complete collapse.

To President Bola Tinubu: You have failed us woefully. Your three years in power have brought disaster to the North and the nation at large.

BRING BACK OUR CHILDREN.
—AbdulAziz Na'ibi Abubakar

[Honour @ismaMusa702]

@General_Somto Capacitated thief no wan gree