The biggest rallies in the streets of Kyiv since 2014 tonight -- now in demand to reinstate @FedorovMykhailo as defense minister.
The President's Office is hoping in vain that the protest will fizzle out, that people will get tired and everyone will disperse with a wave of the hand over Zelensky's most foolish and destructive decision.
The people forced General Syrsky's resignation, now we need to do the second half of the work and achieve Fedorov's return to the ministry.
В інтерв'ю УП Федоров уперше детально розповідає як дізнався про своє звільнення, відповідає на запитання про конфлікт із Генеральним штабом, тиск навколо оборонних закупівель та власне бачення того, чому його реформи зустріли такий спротив — читати: https://t.co/wwykcKpuJb
Fedorov: I had no personal conflict with Syrskyi. It was a worldview, institutional and cultural conflict over my vision of the war.
I wanted to give young leaders more freedom, make faster decisions and finish reforms. The Defense Ministry did not block the army.
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The first thing that hits you reading Fedorov's interview is how calmly he describes a defense ministry where private arms makers were literally appointing department heads. Seven years in government and he still sounds surprised that the rot ran that deep. That is not a personnel problem. That is a captured state problem, the kind that turns procurement into a toll road for connected interests instead of a war-winning machine.
He refused to name names, but the political class already leaked the relevant one: Arakhamia as the energetic representative of certain manufacturers. The pattern is familiar. When a reformer starts prioritizing 30-kilometer+ shells over the short-range ones that some company already invested in or was promised under framework contracts, the phone calls begin. Suddenly the president hears from ninety percent of the room that this guy has political ambitions, drone companies on the side, is breaking processes. Fedorov saw it coming in April and warned Zelenskyy directly: cross-check everything with me, because I just stepped on a lot of expensive toes. The president told him to act according to conscience, no instructions from above. Then the pressure apparently became louder than the conscience.
This was never a personal clash with the former commander-in-chief. It was a worldview and institutional collision. Fedorov arrived with a vision of asymmetric technological war, presented it to Zelenskyy before even taking the job, updated it constantly from 2023 onward, and tried to drive it through a system that still thinks in Soviet-era mass and personal loyalty. He wanted faster decisions, real autonomy for young leaders, and the completion of reforms already started. The bureaucracy, the old culture, and the money wanted none of it. So the reformer gets removed, the vision is declared intact, and everyone pretends the personnel change was surgical.
Fedorov turned down the vice-premier-without-portfolio role because he is not interested in being an advisor who can only advise. He knows which seats have levers and which are decorative. He kept part of his team inside the ministry so it does not collapse functionally, which tells you something about his priorities. The rest are either staying in Digital Transformation or moving with him into the next phase. No drama, no final screaming match with the president, communication still open. That restraint is rare in Ukrainian politics and should be noted.
The clearest signal came the moment Drapatyi was appointed. Within hours moscovia put him on their wanted list, dusted off an in-absentia case going back to 2017-2019 operations, and their pro-war Telegram channels openly admitted he is a more dangerous battlefield commander than Syrskyi. That's not propaganda. That is the enemy telling you in real time who actually threatens their logistics, their tempo, and their ability to absorb 8-to-1 losses and keep pretending victory is around the corner. They did not panic when a Moscow-friendly Soviet-trained general held the post. They panicked when someone aligned with the asymmetric approach that has already bent their front in places they refuse to name on television.
Fedorov is staying in Ukraine. He says any future work will be tied to executing pieces of the war plan he built: one technology domain, one force multiplier he believes can change the correlation on the battlefield. He still believes half of all first-line assault troops could eventually be motivated foreigners once the market really opens, and that the mobilization reform his team prepared can be carried out without the usual political games if someone actually runs it instead of burying it.
The hard truth is that Ukraine keeps winning the argument about what kind of war this is, but struggles to purge the peacetime incentives that keep trying to turn the defense sector back into a business. The protests in Kyiv and sixteen other cities show why this matters.
Fedorov: The real reason for my dismissal, I think, was procurement. We rebuilt tenders and defense buying.
That angered many people, who then used law enforcement and media pressure. I do not want to build theories or retell talks with the president.
1/
In truth, this is a very, very sad story. The story of a man who genuinely did a great deal to help save this country and contributed to its key victories on the battlefield, but who, because of his own cruelty, tyranny, and an all-consuming lust for power that blinded him, forever stained his name in the eyes of his own soldiers.
Very sad.
We determined the sequence of the next steps. Today, the decisions on the changes in the leadership of the Armed Forces of Ukraine will be formalized – the relevant decrees are in preparation. Together with Mykhailo Drapatyi and Yevhenii Khmara, we determined that Major General Ihor Skybiuk will become the new Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. He is a highly experienced officer who defended Ukraine shoulder to shoulder with the new Commander-in-Chief. It is important that all components of our Armed Forces continue to function in complete coordination. We also determined together how Oleksandr Syrskyi and Andrii Hnatov will continue serving in the defense of our country.
We discussed the organizational decisions that need to be implemented, including the development of Ukraine's cyber forces, the training of our warriors, strengthening the capabilities of our units, and further developing the corps system. A practical, effective mobilization process was identified as a priority for ensuring the Armed Forces of Ukraine have the real ability to carry out their defense missions. I thanked Ukraine's Defense Forces for delivering on our plan of long-range sanctions against Russia, as well as for their consistency in executing our mid-strikes. Yevhenii Khmara is addressing the supply issues related to deep strikes and mid-strikes that were discussed over the past few days with combat commanders and weapons manufacturers.
We reviewed the current situation and the implementation of our defense objectives in the Oleksandrivka direction, in the Donetsk region, and in other areas of intense fighting. I thank all Ukrainian units for their strength and for the successful execution of these operations. We determined the steps, decisions, and appointments that should accelerate the implementation of key initiatives to strengthen our air defense – our FREYJA anti-ballistic program, our work with the United States on licenses to produce Patriots, as well as our cooperation with European partners on the agreed joint programs.
I thank Oleksandr Syrskyi and Andrii Hnatov! I wish Mykhailo Drapatyi and Ihor Skybiuk good luck in battle, victories for Ukraine, and success in striking the Russian occupiers! Glory to the Armed Forces of Ukraine! Glory to Ukraine!
General Oleksandr Syrsky announces his last day as Ukraine's top commander. He lists among his accomplishments: commanding the defense of Kyiv; the Kharkiv counteroffensive; destroying Wagner; destroying Russia's shadow fleet; creating the world's first Unmanned Systems Forces; liberating 700 sq km of land in 2026.
"Warriors. Ukrainians.
Today I am leaving the post of Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Before handing over command, I will say a few words.
For every officer, this is the greatest responsibility - to lead the army during a great war. I have seen this war from its first day in 2014, lived at the front and know the price of every liberated kilometer of Ukrainian land.
In February-March 2022, I had the honor of commanding the defense of Kyiv, and with our joint efforts the capital withstood. That same spring, the threat of a full siege of Kharkiv was lifted.
Then there was the offensive in the Kharkiv region, when in a matter of weeks we liberated Balaklia, Izyum and Kupyansk. Later, in the Donetsk region, we destroyed the most combat-ready part of the Russian army - the Wagner PMC.
I took command of the army in February 2024, at a very difficult time. The defense of Avdiivka continued. Our units were semi-encircled. One of my first orders on the job was to order an organized withdrawal from the city. It was a difficult decision. But I made it, because for me there was one main priority: saving people's lives.
And then there was a year that changed the course of this war. Together, we stopped the enemy's offensive in the Kharkiv region. We prevented his offensive in the Sumy region. And we conducted the Kursk operation - for the first time in this war, we transferred combat operations to the enemy's territory.
I want this to be recorded clearly: our goal was never the occupation of foreign land. Our goal was to thwart the enemy's prepared offensive on Sumy and Kharkiv, to withdraw his most combat-ready troops and to replenish the exchange fund in order to return our people from captivity. All this was accomplished.
We changed the army not only on the battlefield, but also at its core. We were the first in the world to create a separate branch of the army - the Unmanned Systems Forces. We have grown them from individual units to a system that today makes the enemy feel that he has no safe rear. We have built a new air defense: we have created a separate command of unmanned air defense systems, formed regular units of drone interceptor crews, built an echeloned system of covering the sky over the rear. What was recently an experiment of enthusiasts, today every night brings down what was considered unassailable.
We have closed the Black Sea port in Novorossiysk, we are systematically destroying the enemy’s “shadow fleet”.
We have transferred the army to a corps structure, brought combat officers to headquarters and made it a rule: the path to leadership positions lies through the front.
While liberating Ukrainian territories, we carried out a successful Dobropillia operation and an offensive operation in the Oleksandrivka direction. We continue to restrain the enemy's offensive in the main directions and conduct offensive operations in certain sections of the front.
I have no right to speak about some of the operations that we have implemented over the years. History will tell about them. I will only say: the enemy remembered them.
And the main thing is in what condition I am handing over the battlefield.
This year, 700 square kilometers of our land have been liberated under my command. The army, which two years ago was conducting a difficult defense, is advancing today.
I am handing over to my successor an army that is not only holding the defense, but is also in a state of offensive - with initiative, with structure, with people who know how to beat the enemy. And I sincerely hope that this offensive will be continued. Everything is there for this.
I thank every soldier, sergeant and officer with whom I have spent these years. I bow to the families of our fallen.
I said it before and I will repeat it today: my job is war. Positions change, but this principle does not. Whatever my status, I will serve Ukraine until Victory.
For a long time, they tried to impose on us that Ukrainians are not capable of fighting. We proved that this is not so. Ukraine is defended by a heroic people.
Our country will stand if everyone does their job as diligently as the Ukrainian army does.
Glory to Ukraine!"
🇺🇦Commander-in-Chief Drapaty:
"I thank the President of Ukraine for the trust, the Minister of Defense for the support, and the Defense Forces for a new stage of service.
Serving Ukraine has always been an honor for me, and during the war for independence it meant absolute responsibility.
I am grateful to the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine Oleksandr Syrsky for his consistent work to strengthen the Ukrainian army. I grew up in it.
I will work responsibly, focused and with respect for the people who are defending our state today.
Glory to the nation. Death to the enemies."
Congratulations to Major General Mykhailo Drapatyi on his appointment as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.
This is a breath of fresh air and a new source of hope in the fight of free people for freedom and justice. It is the voice of change that could no longer be ignored.
Now, the high expectations of the Ukrainian people must be met with a clear vision for bringing the War of Independence to a successful conclusion, a strong team and decisive action focused on saving the lives of our service members, accelerating the robotization of the battlefield, delivering asymmetric strikes and exhausting Russia’s economy.
I also called General Oleksandr Syrskyi to thank him for the defense of the Kyiv region, the Kharkiv counteroffensive and other historic battles.
These achievements are already an important part of Ukraine’s history.
But now we must move even faster, write the next chapters of that history and correct the mistakes of the past.
Thank you to everyone who made this possible.
“After Andrii Yermak resigned as head of the President's Office, Fedorov was among the leading contenders for the post. But Zelenskyy did not dare appoint him – Fedorov's reform ideas were too radical. Rebooting the State Bureau of Investigation, introducing a competitive selection process for the prosecutor general, replacing all the deputies in the President's Office – those were just a few of the sweeping changes he was proposing.
Instead, Fedorov was sent to the Ministry of Defence, as he was the only person who "had a vision of the war". Zelenskyy believed Fedorov would act with greater caution and restraint at the Defence Ministry. It turned out he had no intention of doing so.
Mass purges of personnel, shifting procurement to open tenders, a strict audit of defence contracts, a reluctance to automatically approve all General Staff requests, attempts to move military planning to automated algorithms and mathematical models instead of traditional "manual control" – all of this quickly turned the Ministry of Defence into a hotbed of conflict within the military-political leadership.”
https://t.co/0UOO1rvIkL
За попередньою інформацією радників Президента, Михайло Федоров отримає пряме призначення до Ради національної безпеки і оборони України (РНБО) на посаду Голови Координаційної ради оборонного MilTech та стратегічного планування. Цей статус надає йому пряме підпорядкування Президенту та розширений мандат:
Координація всіх оборонних розробок: Платформа Brave1, виробництво далекобійних безпілотних систем та ракетна програма переходитимуть під його безпосередній нагляд, в обхід узгоджень середньої ланки Міноборони та Генштабу.
Аудит військових закупівель: Створення прозорої системи цифрового контролю за логістикою Сил оборони та усунення корупційних ризиків.
Пряма взаємодія із західними донорами: Федоров збереже за собою статус головного переговорника щодо залучення іноземних інвестицій у високотехнологічний сектор українського ВПК.
Реакція у Верховній Раді та суспільстві: кризу подолано
Новина про те, що Володимир Зеленський та Михайло Федоров досягли згоди, а реформатор повертається з ширшими повноваженнями, викликала відчутне полегшення у політичних колах та серед волонтерських організацій. Народні депутати, які раніше критикували Банкову за кулуарні кадрові чистки, підкреслюють, що це компромісне рішення дозволить зберегти внутрішню стабільність та технологічний темп ведення війни.
We transformed Ukraine into a global tech leader and a defense powerhouse.
Beyond digital IDs, Diia.Cіty, and 5G, we revolutionized warfare. Through the Army of Drones and the @BRAVE1ua cluster, we achieved a logistical lockdown for the occupiers, reached a 91% Shahed interception rate, and launched the unique e-Points system to incentivize our troops on the frontlines.
7 years of service. From GovTech to Defense Tech. Thank you for your trust!
When President Zelensky decided to replace Defense Minister Mykhailo Fedorov with then Interior Minister Ihor Klymenko, he likely did not anticipate such strong public backlash. The pushback was significant enough that he lacked enough votes in parliament to confirm Klymenko as new Minister of Defense. Recognizing this, Klymenko probably have made the most rational decision and withdrawn his candidacy.
The problem was that a successor had already been appointed to Klymenko's previous position, effectively leaving him without a ministerial post.
In an apparent attempt to manage the crisis, Zelensky then removed acting SBU chief Yevhenii Khmara, a professional and widely respected veteran who had been serving as an acting replacement for Vasyl Maliuk, and appointed him acting Minister of Defense. Khmara's former position had already been filled by Oleksandr Poklad, whom Zelensky appointed as the new head of the SBU.
Considering that many protesters see it as an attempt by Zelensky to shield himself behind Khmara's personal reputation rather than address the underlying causes of the protests, public discontent has not subsided. As a result, the demonstrations have not subsided, with people continuing to protest today and expected to do so tomorrow as well.
This is also quite shortsighted move towards Khmara. If another decision is made regarding the Minister of Defense, he would be removed from his current role while his previous position has already been filled, much like what happened to Klymenko.
Not to mention that some of the new appointments are quite controversial. For example, the newly appointed Minister of Internal Affairs, Ivan Vyhivskyi, was previously implicated in a corruption scandal reported on by Ukrainian investigative journalists from Bihus. Info
The situation has worsened significantly. Zelensky has doubled down on his decision, while many prominent activists, bloggers and journalists appear even more infuriated and show no signs of backing down, which means that there is no visible de-escalation at the moment.
Just to reiterate. Ukraine has not seen anything like this in war-time. A senior official (at least until very recently) criticising Zelensky so openly. Even ex commander in chief Zaluzhny — who was in persistent conflict with the president — has generally held his tongue.
“Fedorov repeatedly blocked attempts to steer lucrative procurement contracts to favoured companies, which put him at odds with powerful figures inside Ukraine’s political and defence establishment, said people familiar with the situation.”
https://t.co/P9S9vMH84Z
Вирішення проблеми:
1. Повернути Федорова на посаду МО.
2. Звільнити Сирського.
3. Поставити Драпатого на посаду ГЗСУ.
Немає конфліктів, населення і військові задоволенні.
‼️FIRST PRESS CONFERENCE OF FEDOROV AFTER HIS DISMISSAL: When the President said he had no plans to replace Syrskyi, that was his decision as Commander-in-Chief. I fully accepted that decision and said, “I will learn to work with him because, ultimately, our client is the Ukrainian people.” I was patient and ready to work calmly—until the Commander-in-Chief (Syrskyi) issued an ultimatum.
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“When the President said he had no plans to replace Syrskyi, that was his decision as Commander-in-Chief. And I fully agreed with that decision and said: I will learn to work with him, because our client is still the Ukrainian people, not someone else. And so you have to work with it. But we ran into the fact that all the initiatives we propose, they started getting blocked. And Syrskyi, considering all the problems we talked about today, is not really personally willing to openly talk about the problems. He is willing to attend meetings personally, weave intrigues, and believe that someone is orchestrating a media campaign against him, yet he fails to see the problem with the actions being taken. And this ultimately led him to issue an ultimatum, as you and I already know. And instead of figuring out how to asymmetrically overpower Russia, which is the Commander's task, he figured out how to split the country, where we are today. And there's a big problem here, because by my nature, I'm not the type to complain (to snitch) about the problems that exist. I'm an analyst, I came in, and I'm like: if we want to win, we need to do this. But I didn't set the conditions— either me, or Syrskyi. I said: let's just outmaneuver Russia with a Commander like this. Because in reality, Syrskyi in 2022 saved our country, among other things. He led the Kyiv operation, took a part in it, led the Kharkiv operation, took part in Kherson operation, and many other operations. We can't, we simply can't just say about such a commander that he's, well, underperforming. But the war has changed completely. Drones are changing everything, completely reshaping the architecture, because some new drone features appear at least four times a year, and 20-30 things are changing in the technologies per year. The management system has changed, and we need to change with it. We can't keep riding on what worked back then. We need to understand what was good back then and what we need to do now to defeat Russia, since the Ukrainian people remain our client in this work. And I don’t think this is a matter of ego. I think there are some other reasons for that. But at that moment, I was ready. As I said, many documents weren’t signed, and I spoke about it openly. If we want to play by bureaucratic rules, then let’s do it. They told me, “Don’t touch it.” And I was patient and ready to work calmly, until the Commander-in-Chief (Syrskyi) issued an ultimatum” - Former Minister of Defense of Ukraine, Mykhailo Fedorov.