Marcus

[Marcus @marcuswlf]

Tenlerine namus rüzgarı değmemiş alçaklara kısa bir hatırlatma: İt ürür kervan yürür.

[Marcus @marcuswlf]

@jina_aryen Hahah ben tiviti atar atmaz açtım şarkıyı :)

[Marcus @marcuswlf]

@MiroSiyo21 @saredariyasur @GulanOnkol Değerlere,şehitlere yaklaşımında sorun var. Eleştirin yerinde ve haklı ama zabıta zulmünü Ş. Çiyager olmadan da anlatabilirsin. Ayrıca bu bahsettiğin hikaye de “Koca Amed’de niye kendi kepçenizi örgütleyemediniz” şeklinde ele alındı. Elmalar armutlar karıştırılmamalı.

[Marcus @marcuswlf]

@jina_aryen Sovyetler mekanikte çağının çok ötesindeydi. Öyle bir altyapı ki daha sonra havacılık başta olmak üzere tüm askeri mühendislik alanlarına zemin oldu. Çökmeseydi bambaşka bir yere gidecekti muhtemelen. Olmasaydı sonumuz böyle..

[Marcus @marcuswlf]

Bunca yıldır basınımızı, sosyal medyayı takip ederim. Şöyle derli toplu bir görsel (eksiklerine, hatalarına rağmen) bizden çıkmadı ya ona yanarım.

[The National Context @NatlContext]

As Its Affiliates Integrate Into Host States, the PKK’s Regional Network Could Grow Stronger

The PKK’s regional integration in Syria and Iraq, alongside its peace process with Turkey, points to a two-layered arrangement.

At the national level, its affiliated groups are giving up part of their separate organisational identities by integrating into the states in which they operate. In return, they gain recognition and potentially substantial influence in their local areas, creating a form of indirect decentralisation. At the regional level, they remain part of a single network that recognises the imprisoned PKK founder Abdullah Ocalan as its leader.

In some ways this arrangement has no precedent in the century since the partition of the Ottoman Empire. Kurdish rebellions and movements in these countries have historically had their own local leadership and organisational structures. The PKK’s network is following a different model, in which its affiliates give up some of their autonomy through integration while potentially becoming legally recognised entities within their respective states.

Critics argue that this amounts to abandoning Kurdish national distinctiveness by accepting integration into existing state structures, whether in Syria, among the Yazidis of Sinjar, or in Turkey, where the movement is negotiating within the framework of the Turkish state. This reading overlooks another dimension. These groups may retain substantial local influence even as they surrender wider political and military autonomy. By placing significant numbers of their personnel inside state institutions, they could keep influence over local administration and security without controlling territory of their own. Their power would increasingly operate through local structures and identities, replacing the autonomous, state-like entities they previously ran.

Critics read this as a retreat from Kurdish nationalism. It can also be read as a pragmatic adaptation to the region’s political realities. Under almost any other arrangement, it would be hard to imagine a single Kurdish leader holding influence over several legally recognised organisations operating in three or more states.

This model could therefore make the PKK’s regional network more influential than at any point in its history. Its affiliates, which have long operated on the margins as outlawed organisations, could become recognised actors within existing states, exercising varying degrees of institutional and local influence while remaining connected through a common regional leadership.

More details: https://t.co/55rlSNkE8w

[Marcus @marcuswlf]

İsrail’de hükümetsiz günler kapıda. İran’a yönelik saldırıların başlayabilmesi için tek bir eksik kaldı. Ara seçimlerde yara almış bir Trump. #Loading…

[Nikos Appelaios II @AppelaiosII]

Δήλωση του Προέδρου της Αιγύπτου,Αλ Σίσι

"Η Τουρκία πρέπει να εγκαταλείψει την ιδέα της «Γαλάζιας Πατρίδας» και το Μνημόνιο Συνεργασίας. Η Λιβύη πρέπει να καταλάβει ότι το σχέδιο της Τουρκίας είναι καταστροφικό για την ίδια τη Λιβύη, να εγκαταλείψει και αυτή το Μνημόνιο Συνεργασίας και να κάνει καλύτερες επιλογές όσον αφορά τις συμμαχίες της.

Η Τουρκία πρέπει να επιλέξει μια πραγματική και ειλικρινή συνεργασία με τους περιφερειακούς εταίρους της. Διαφορετικά, θα καταλήξει σε μια πολύ οδυνηρή ήττα."

[Marcus @marcuswlf]

Ahsjsjsjsjk

[Marcus @marcuswlf]

@Kordestanroj Senin gibi ne emmeye ne gömmeye gelen itler için ne desek boş. Savaşsa ayrı savaşmasa ayrı ağlıyor pezevengin dölü.

[Marcus @marcuswlf]

@jina_aryen

[cizre nuh niştiman @omygtsregovende]

çinli kardeşlerin tayma gelmesi

[Marcus @marcuswlf]

Damakta tad bırakan hoş bir sohbet olmuş. Amargi bu işi biliyor.

[The Amargi @the_amargi]

Exclusive: Murat Karayılan beyond politics.

In a rare informal conversation with The Amargi's @KamalChomani, Karayilan talks about life in the mountains, losing comrades, his daily routine, music, books, football — and why Amedspor has pulled even PKK fighters into the game.

Watch: https://t.co/GMsM2tnJO2

[Marcus @marcuswlf]

@jina_aryen Hahah bam teline vuruyor allahsızlar. Bu çeviri işi iyi olmadı, savaş çıkar burdan dhhd

[Marcus @marcuswlf]

@jina_aryen Çinliler de az değil yalnız sjdjdj

[Tere Felipe @_TereFelipe_]

Las protestas francesas son cine ✊🏻

[Marcus @marcuswlf]

Paradise ve Firdevs aynı kökenden geliyormuş. Kelimenin kökeni Avesta dilinden geliyormuş: pairidaēza #iyibilgi

[Marcus @marcuswlf]

Sitedeki 3 kuruşluk sanal korucuların Neçirvan’a saldırmalarını keyifle izliyorum djdjfk

[Rudaw Türkçe @RudawTurkce]

Başkan Neçirvan Barzani, ilk kez Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan ile aralarında geçen bir konuşmayı anlattı:

"Bahçeli hastanedeydi; Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan’a dedim ki: 'Dünya değişti, artık Kürtler Bahçeli iyileşsin diye dua ediyor.' "

[Marcus @marcuswlf]

@jina_aryen Gramere karşıyım akışına bırakmalı :)

[Marcus @marcuswlf]

@etanasss Hahahah sen nefsinle bile bir gün savaşamazsın iradesiz köpek

[Marcus @marcuswlf]

@jina_aryen https://t.co/vgYxi1L7qZ Sözlük için iyi bir alternatif