Mourad Zeghidi, célèbre commentateur de la Série A et journaliste français autrefois sur Canal + croupit dans les geôles tunisienne depuis presque 2 ans.
Pour @sofoot je raconte le dur combat de ses proches pour médiatiser son cas.
#FreeMourad.
https://t.co/aCdmWrlXjV
France is on the eve of voting one of the most shameful laws in its history: it would effectively outlaw criticism of Israel and criminalize any speech seen as even remotely sympathetic to whoever the French government chooses to designate a "terrorist group."
In effect this law would turn France's foreign policy into unchallengeable dogma backed by prison time. You could literally be sent for 5 years in prison if you, for instance, call what France says are "terrorists" a "resistance group."
Think for instance Nelson Mandela during the apartheid (the ANC was on every Western terrorist list) or, heck, France's own Résistance against Nazi Germany - designated as "terrorists" by the Vichy regime and the Nazi occupation.
It's frankly absolutely insane.
The new law is called "loi Yadan" after its author Caroline Yadan, a MP who represents French expatriates living in Israel. The U.S. has congressmen paid by AIPAC: France has cut out the middleman entirely, we have MPs whose constituency is literally in Israel.
The law has already passed committee and heads to a full parliamentary vote on April 16th - 3 days from now - under a very unusual fast-track procedure. Seven of eleven parliamentary groups have said they'll vote yes and the law is expected to pass.
What does the law say? Let me quote from it directly (full text here: https://t.co/m03R4z0gX6):
1) Article 1 introduces the concept of "implicit" provocation to terrorism and punishes it with five years imprisonment and a fine of €75,000
That's the one I was speaking about. Under this provision, describing anyone France designates as terrorist as a "resistance movement" - the way France describes its own Résistance against Nazi occupation - could effectively become a crime.
The key concept is what does "implicit provocation to terrorism" mean? Nobody knows. And that's the point. It means whatever a prosecutor wants it to mean: a perfectly good case could be made that, for instance, quoting international law on the right of occupied peoples to resist with respect to Hamas is, in fact, "implicit provocation to terrorism."
France's most famous anti-terrorism judge, Marc Trévidic, says he has never seen anything like it in his entire career (https://t.co/CytQnuK3hS): "Implicit provocation to terrorism: do you realize what that means? Becoming a censor of other people's thoughts, trying to guess what a person really meant."
2) The same article also expands the terrorism apology offense to include "minimizing or trivializing acts of terrorism in an outrageous manner."
This is even crazier: until now, "apology of terrorism" meant actually expressing a favorable judgment of "terrorist acts" (which is already insane because, as we all know, one person's terrorist is another's freedom fighter).
Well, under this new provision, a judge could decide that providing context, explaining root causes, or insufficiently condemning an act amounts to "trivializing" terrorism - and that would now be punishable with 5 years in prison.
So, for instance, a history teacher explaining the origins of Hamas or Hezbollah is providing context - but a prosecutor could argue that contextualization is trivialization. The same reasoning could apply to a journalist, a researcher, or anyone on social media who says "yes, it was terrible, but here's why it happened." The "but" becomes a crime, as it is trivialization.
3) Article 4 expands Holocaust denial law
Under current French law, denying the Holocaust is already a crime. This provision extends that crime by specifying that contestation of crimes against humanity now includes, "whatever its formulation, a negation, minimization, or outrageous trivialization" of those crimes.
Again with "outrageous trivialization"! In this instance the very authors of the text - Caroline Yadan and her colleagues - explain their reasoning explicitly in the law's preamble (https://t.co/rIiYQbbk23): "Comparing the State of Israel to the Nazi regime would thereby be punishable as an outrageous trivialization of the Shoah."
So while the provision is written in general terms, its architects are openly saying what it's for: making it a crime to draw any parallel between Israel's actions and those of the Nazis.
4) Article 2 creates a brand new crime: calling for the destruction of a state.
The law adds to an existing 1881 press law a provision punishing anyone who "publicly, in disregard of the right of peoples to self-determination and the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, calls for the destruction of a state recognized by the French Republic." Five years imprisonment, €75,000 fine.
The qualifiers about self-determination and the UN Charter are meant to sound reassuring. But what does "destruction" mean? In practice, if you advocate for a one-state solution where Israelis and Palestinians live as equals, you are de-facto calling for the "destruction" of the state of Israel. Well, that would now be punishable by 5 years in prison 🤷
There you go. Absolutely insane: if this new law passes, and it unfortunately very much looks like it will, France - the country that gave the world the Declaration of the Rights of Man, the country whose national identity is built on the Résistance - will have made it illegal to use the word 'resistance' about anyone the government doesn't like. Jean Moulin would be prosecuted. De Gaulle would be prosecuted.
The only people who wouldn't be prosecuted are those who stay silent. Which, of course, is the whole point.
Dans le monde actuel, il n’existe aucun État qui applique la peine de mort exclusivement à une population non‑citoyenne ou ethnique, tout en excluant totalement ses propres citoyens. Historiquement, le seul précédent est l’Allemagne nazie, où les lois et tribunaux spéciaux (ex. le Volksgerichtshof ou tribunaux du peuple) étaient utilisés pour condamner les Juifs, opposants politiques, populations occupées à des peines extrêmement sévères, y compris la peine de mort, alors que les citoyens “aryens” étaient épargnés pour ces mêmes actes. Cette nouvelle loi votée par la Knesset ne fait aucune limite d’âge ou même de santé mentale. On peut « légalement » condamner à la pendaison un jeune palestinien de 10 ans jugé coupable de « terrorisme » sans qu’il ait été prouvé qu’il ait participé à aucun acte de terrorisme car c’est un tribunal militaire qui condamne par association. Je n’aurais jamais imaginé vivre cela un jour, dans un silence assourdissant !
Quand j'étais encore au lycée, je regardais la Série A sur Canal + et j'admirais les talents de commentateur de Mourad Zeghidi, fin connaisseur du foot italien. Il avait une voix si entrainante.
Après le Printemps arabe, il a fait le choix de revenir en Tunisie pour devenir journaliste politique. Un choix courageux car te voilà emprisonné cher Mourad Zeghidi.
#FreeMouradZeghidi
@Elajouti@StadeFrance@GLevents Cher confrère, vous faites honte à notre profession. Aucun recours n’effacera des mémoires africaines le vainqueur du match sur le terrain. Si Diaz avait mis son penalty, il n’y aurait eu aucun recours. Le Maroc aurait pu finir beau perdant mais c’est aussi raté !#CANdelaHonte
Three European governments accuse me - based on statements I never made -with a virulence and conviction that they have NEVER used against those who have slaughtered 20,000+ children in 858 days.
Je ne reviendrai pas à RTL. C’est ma décision. Voici pourquoi.
Il y a quinze jours, mes propos sur la colonisation algérienne ont créé le débat. La direction de la radio m’a dit avoir enregistré de nombreuses protestations de la part des auditeurs. Pour faire droit à l’émotion suscitée, il m’a été demandé de ne pas me présenter la semaine suivante, en m’indiquant que je serai le bienvenu, ensuite, pour continuer à défendre mes points de vue sur l’antenne.
J’ai compris et admis la démarche des dirigeants de RTL. Je l’ai trouvé équilibrée et respectueuse à mon égard. Et puis, le jour de suspension est arrivé. C’était mercredi dernier. À partir de là, concrètement confronté à ce qu’il faut bien appeler une punition, ma perception de la situation s’est modifiée.
Même décidée dans le cadre d’un dialogue serein et compréhensif, une punition reste une punition. Si je reviens sur l’antenne de RTL, je la valide, donc je reconnais avoir fait une faute. C’est un pas que je ne peux pas franchir.
J’attache un prix particulier à la question de la présence française en Algérie entre 1830 et 1962. Je ne suis pas concerné personnellement. Ni mon père, ni mes oncles, ni d’autres membres de ma famille n’ont participé à la guerre d’Algérie. Je n’ai pas non plus de connexions ou de liens avec des Français rapatriés de ce pays. J’ai découvert cette histoire de manière banale. Je me suis intéressé, voilà déjà longtemps, aux conditions du retour au pouvoir du général de Gaulle, en mai 1958. La question du maintien de l’Algérie dans la France était au cœur de la crise politique. Je me suis alors demandé ce qu’était cette situation, quelle était la nature de la présence française et aussi celle de la cohabitation des communautés sur ce territoire.
Ce que j’ai lu dans les livres écrits par des historiens méticuleux m’a horrifié. Les massacres de musulmans se sont succédés tout au long des 132 ans d’occupation. Un statut dit d’indigénat, appliqué à partir de 1881, a privé les premiers occupants de l’espace de tous droits et leur a imposé des servitudes archaïques et injustes. Chassés des terres les plus riches, ils ont végété dans l’extrême pauvreté. La scolarisation des enfants a été parcimonieuse. Tout ceci dresse un tableau indigne de la France au regard des valeurs d’humanité qui font sa réputation dans le monde.
J’ai vécu comme une injustice maintenue l’absence de reconnaissance officielle par le colonisateur des traitements dégradants infligés à cette population. Les propos que je tiens sur ce sujet depuis des années sont liés à ce sentiment. Pour cette raison, et pour cette raison seulement, je ne peux pas accepter d’être puni pour les avoir répétés.
Je regrette la situation qui s’est créée. J’ai passé de belles années professionnelles à RTL. C’est une radio que j’aime. Mais c’est ainsi.
Une précision pour terminer, parce que j’ai vu à l’œuvre durant ces derniers jours ces faux nationalistes qu’effarouchent les vérités de l’histoire. Le pouvoir algérien d’aujourd’hui est une dictature. Il l’est depuis 1962. Le peuple algérien mérite, comme tous les peuples, la liberté et la justice. Il en est, hélas, privé depuis trop longtemps. Par ailleurs, je m’associe, comme je l’ai fait depuis le début, aux demandes de libération de Boualem Sansal, injustement emprisonné à Alger.
Un jour, c’est mon espoir, la France, mon pays, conviendra de sa part d’inhumanité dans l’histoire.
Etonnant, non ?
Le Président Emanuel Macron a affirmé aujourd’hui que le départ annoncé des bases françaises aurait été négocié entre les pays africains qui l’ont décrété et la France.
Il poursuit en estimant que c’est par simple commodité et par politesse que la France a consenti la primeur de l’annonce à ces pays africains.
Je tiens à dire que, dans le cas du Sénégal, cette affirmation est totalement erronée.
Aucune discussion ou négociation n’a eu lieu à ce jour et la décision prise par le Sénégal découle de sa seule volonté , en tant que pays libre, indépendant et souverain.
Il déclare, enfin, « qu’aucun pays africain ne serait aujourd’hui souverain, si la France ne s’était déployée ». Constatons que la France n’a ni la capacité ni la légitimité pour assurer à l’Afrique sa sécurité et sa souveraineté.
Bien au contraire, elle a souvent contribué à déstabiliser certains pays africains comme la lybie avec des conséquences désastreuses notées sur la stabilité et la sécurité du Sahel.
C’est enfin le lieu de rappeler au Président Macron que si les soldats Africains, quelquefois mobilisés de force, maltraités et finalement trahis, ne s’étaient pas déployés lors la deuxième guerre mondiale pour défendre la France, celle-ci serait, peut être aujourd’hui encore, Allemande.
Israeli public media is posting the Jabalia death march as the ultimate victory picture of Israel's genocide.
Children, men & women caged in a concentration camp, starved & bombed, then rounded up & forced to move to the next concentration camp to be caged, starved, & bombed!
I don't like to tweet about the news, but this is just too much. I'm the doctor who wrote the recent @nytimes piece about what American healthcare workers saw in #Gaza. The @WHO reports today that Israel has banned five American aid agencies from working in Gaza. Israel gave no reason, but are all organizations with Arab leaderships. This is the easiest way to win important votes in a close presidential election in history: @POTUS and @VP should publicly announce that until the ban on American aid agencies is reversed #Israel will not receive American military aid. Simple, easy, literally zero security concerns involved, and what American law clearly requires.
Extermination Works. At First.
Extermination works. At first. This is the terrible lesson of history. If Israel is not stopped — and no outside power appears willing to halt the genocide in Gaza or the destruction of Lebanon — it will achieve its goals of depopulating and annexing northern Gaza and turning southern Gaza into a charnel house where Palestinians are burned alive, decimated by bombs and die from starvation and infectious diseases, until they are driven out. It will achieve its goal of destroying Lebanon — 2,255 people have been killed and over one million Lebanese have been displaced — in an attempt to turn it into a failed state. And, it may soon realize its long cherished dream of forcing the United States into war with Iran. Israeli leaders are publicly salivating over proposals to assassinate Iranian leader Ayatollah Ali Hosseini Khamenei and carry out airstrikes on Iran’s nuclear installations and oil facilities.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his cabinet, like those driving Middle East policy in the White House — Antony Blinken, raised in a staunch Zionist family, Brett McGurk, Amos Hochstein, who was born in Israel and served in the Israeli military, and Jake Sullivan — are true believers in the doctrine that violence can mold the world to fit their demented vision. That this doctrine has been a spectacular failure in Israel’s occupied territories, and did not work in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria and Libya, and a generation earlier in Vietnam, does not deter them. This time, they assure us, it will succeed.
In the short term they are right. This is not good news for Palestinians or the Lebanese. The U.S. and Israel will continue to use their arsenal of industrial weapons to kill huge numbers of people and turn cities into rubble. But in the long term, this indiscriminate violence sows dragon’s teeth. It creates adversaries that, sometimes a generation later, outdo in savagery — we call it terrorism — what was done to those slain in the previous generation.
Hate and a lust of vengeance, as I learned covering the war in the former Yugoslavia, are passed down like a poisonous elixir from one generation to the next. Our disastrous interventions in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Libya and Yemen, along with Israel’s invasion of Lebanon in 1982, which created Hezbollah, should have taught us this.
Those of us who covered the Middle East were stunned that the Bush administration imagined it would be greeted as liberators in Iraq when the U.S. had spent over a decade imposing sanctions that resulted in severe shortages of food and medicine, causing the deaths of at least one million Iraqis, including 500,000 children. Denis Halliday, the United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator in Iraq, resigned in 1998 over U.S.-imposed sanctions, calling them “genocidal” because they represented “a deliberate policy to destroy the people of Iraq.”
Israel’s occupation of Palestine and its saturation bombing of Lebanon in 1982, were the catalyst for Osama bin Laden’s attack on the Twin Towers in New York City in 2001, along with U.S. support for attacks on Muslims in Somalia, Chechnya, Kashmir and the South of the Philippines, U.S. military assistance to Israel and the sanctions on Iraq.
Will the international community continue to stand by passively and allow Israel to carry out a mass extermination campaign? Will there ever be limits? Or will war with Lebanon and Iran provide a smokescreen — Israel’s worst campaigns of ethnic cleansing and mass murder have always been done under the cover of war — to turn what is happening in Palestine into an updated version of the Armenian genocide?
I fear, given that the Israel lobby has bought and paid for Congress and the two ruling parties, as well as cowed the media and universities, the rivers of blood will continue to swell. There is money to be made in war. A lot of it. And the influence of the war industry, buttressed by hundreds of millions of dollars spent on political campaigns by the Zionists, will be a formidable barrier to peace, not to mention sanity.
Unless, as Chalmers Johnson writes in “Nemesis: The Last Days of the American Republic,” “we abolish the CIA, restore intelligence gathering to the State Department, and remove all but purely military functions from the Pentagon” we will “never again know peace, nor in all probability survive very long as a nation.”
Genocide is done by attrition. Once a targeted group is stripped of its rights the next steps are the displacement of the population, destruction of the infrastructure and the wholesale killing of civilians. Israel is also attacking and killing international monitors, human rights organizations, aid workers and United Nations staff, a feature of most genocides. Foreign journalists are being arrested and accused of “aiding the enemy,” while Palestinian journalists are being assassinated and their families wiped out. Israel carries out continuous assaults in Gaza on the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), where two-thirds of its facilities have been damaged or destroyed, and 223 of its staff have been killed. It has attacked the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), where peacekeepers have been fired upon, tear gassed and wounded. This tactic replicates the Bosnian Serb attacks in July 1995, which I covered, on the U.N. Protection Force outposts in Srebrenica. The Serbs, who had cut off food deliveries to the Bosnian enclave, resulting in severe malnutrition and starvation, overran the U.N. outposts and took 30 U.N. troops hostage before massacring more than 8,000 Bosniak Muslim men and boys.
These initial phases are complete in Gaza. The final stage is mass death, not only from bullets and bombs, but famine and disease. No food has entered northern Gaza since the beginning of this month.
Israel has been dropping leaflets demanding everyone in the north evacuate. 400,000 Palestinians in northern Gaza must leave or die. It has ordered the evacuation of hospitals — Israel is also targeting hospitals in Lebanon — deployed drones to fire indiscriminately on civilians, including those attempting to take the wounded for treatment, bombed schools that serve as shelters and turned the Jabaliya refugee camp into a free fire zone. As usual, Israel continues to target journalists, including Al Jazeera’s Fadi Al-Wahidi, who was shot in the neck and remains in critical condition. At least 175 journalists and media workers are estimated to have been killed by Israeli troops in Gaza since Oct. 7, according to the Palestinian Ministry of Health.
The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs warns that aid shipments to all of Gaza are at their lowest level in months. “People have run out of ways to cope, food systems have collapsed, and the risk of famine persists,” it notes.
The total siege imposed on northern Gaza will, in the next stage, be imposed on southern Gaza. Incremental death. And the primary weapon, as in the north, will be famine.
Egypt and the other Arab states have refused to consider accepting Palestinian refugees. But Israel is banking on creating a humanitarian disaster of such catastrophic proportions that these countries, or other countries, will relent so they can depopulate Gaza and turn their attention to ethnically cleansing the West Bank. That is the plan, although no one, including Israel, knows if it will work.
Israeli Minister of Finance Bezalel Smotrich, in August complained openly that international pressure is preventing Israel from starving the Palestinians, “even though it might be justified and moral, until our hostages are returned.”
What is happening in Gaza is not unprecedented. Indonesia’s military, backed by the U.S., carried out a year-long campaign in 1965 to exterminate those accused of being communist leaders, functionaries, party members and sympathizers. The bloodbath — much of it carried out by rogue death squads and paramilitary gangs — decimated the labor union movement along with the intellectual and artistic class, opposition parties, university student leaders, journalists and ethnic Chinese. A million people were slaughtered. Many of the bodies were dumped into rivers, hastily buried or left to rot on roadsides.
This campaign of mass murder is today mythologized in Indonesia, as it will be in Israel. It is portrayed as an epic battle against the forces of evil, just as Israel equates the Palestinians with Nazis.
The killers in the Indonesian war against “communism” are cheered at political rallies. They are lionized for saving the country. They are interviewed on television about their “heroic” battles. The three-million-strong Pancasila Youth — Indonesia’s equivalent of the “Brownshirts” or the Hitler Youth — in 1965, joined in the genocidal mayhem and are held up as the pillars of the nation.
Joshua Oppenheimer’s documentary “The Act of Killing,” which took eight years to make, exposes the dark psychology of a society that engages in genocide and venerates mass murderers.
We are as depraved as the killers in Indonesia and Israel. We mythologize our genocide of Native Americans, romanticizing our killers, gunmen, outlaws, militias and cavalry units. We, like Israel, fetishize the military.
Our mass killing in Vietnam, Afghanistan and Iraq – what the sociologist James William Gibson calls “technowar”— defines Israel’s assault on Gaza and Lebanon. Technowar is centered on the concept of “overkill.” Overkill, with its intentionally large numbers of civilian casualties, is justified as an effective form of deterrence.
We, like Israel, as Nick Turse points out in “Kill Anything That Moves: The Real American War in Vietnam” deliberately maimed, abused, beat, tortured, raped, wounded and killed hundreds of thousands of unarmed civilians, including children.
The slaughters, Turse writes, “were the inevitable outcome of deliberate policies, dictated at the highest levels of the military.”
Many of the Vietnamese — like Palestinians — who were murdered, Turse relates, were first subjected to degrading forms of public abuse. They were, Turse writes, when first detained “confined to tiny barbed wire ‘cow cages’ and sometimes jabbed with sharpened bamboo sticks while inside them.” Other detainees “were placed in large drums filled with water; the containers were then struck with great force, which caused internal injuries but left no scars.” Some were “suspended by ropes for hours on end or hung upside down and beaten, a practice called ‘the plane ride.’” They were subjected to electric shocks from crank-operated field telephones, battery-powered devices, or even cattle prods.” Soles of feet were beaten. Fingers were dismembered. Detainees were slashed with knives, “suffocated, burned by cigarettes, or beaten with truncheons, clubs, sticks, bamboo flails, baseball bats, and other objects. Many were threatened with death or even subjected to mock executions.” Turse found — again like Israel — that “detained civilians and captured guerrillas were often used as human mine detectors and regularly died in the process.” And while soldiers and Marines were engaged in daily acts of brutality and murder, the CIA “organized, coordinated, and paid for” a clandestine program of targeted assassinations “of specific individuals without any attempt to capture them alive or any thought of a legal trial.”
“After the war,” Turse concludes, “most scholars wrote off the accounts of widespread war crimes that recur throughout Vietnamese revolutionary publications and American antiwar literature as merely so much propaganda. Few academic historians even thought to cite such sources, and almost none did so extensively. Meanwhile, My Lai came to stand for — and thus blot out — all other American atrocities. Vietnam War bookshelves are now filled with big-picture histories, sober studies of diplomacy and military tactics, and combat memoirs told from the soldiers’ perspective. Buried in forgotten U.S. government archives, locked away in the memories of atrocity survivors, the real American war in Vietnam has all but vanished from public consciousness.”
There is no difference between us and Israel. This is why we do not halt the genocide. Israel is doing exactly what we would do in its place. Israel’s bloodlust is our own. As ProPublica reported, “Israel Deliberately Blocked Humanitarian Aid to Gaza, Two Government Bodies Concluded. Antony Blinken Rejected Them.”
U.S. law requires the government to suspend weapons shipments to countries that prevent the delivery of U.S.-backed humanitarian aid.
Historical amnesia is a vital part of extermination campaigns once they end, at least for the victors. But for the victims, the memory of genocide, along with a yearning for retribution, is a sacred calling. The vanquished reappear in ways the genocidal killers cannot predict, fueling new conflicts and new animosities. The physical eradication of all Palestinians, the only way genocide works, is an impossibility given that six million Palestinians alone live in the diaspora. Over five million live in Gaza and the West Bank.
Israel’s genocide has enraged the 1.9 billion Muslims worldwide, as well as most of the Global South. It has discredited and weakened the corrupt and fragile regimes of the dictatorships and monarchies in the Arab world, home to 456 million Muslims, who collaborate with the U.S. and Israel. It has fueled the ranks of the Palestinian resistance. And it has turned Israel and the U.S. into despised pariahs.
Israel and the U.S. will probably win this round. But ultimately, they have signed their own death warrants.
La sœur de Sonia Dahmeni, après une visite à sa sœur,a publié ce témoignage:
"Depuis ma visite à la prison hier, je suis mal, incapable de trouver le sommeil ou un semblant de paix. Ce que j'ai découvert me hante.
Sonia et moi, depuis notre plus jeune âge, avons développé un langage secret pour échapper à la sévérité de nos parents. Jamais je n'aurais imaginé que ce code serait nécessaire aujourd'hui, alors que ma sœur est emprisonnée et que nous nous parlons à travers une vitre, sous l'œil vigilant d'une caméra et d'une gardienne, chaque mot surveillé, chaque geste épié.
Malgré cette surveillance, Sonia a réussi à me transmettre son message, et autorisée à le partager avec vous, car c'est la vérité brute. Le 20 août, Sonia a vécu une expérience qu'elle a assimilé à une agression, à un viol moral.
On l'a entièrement dénudée, forcée à se mettre à genoux, et on a envahi son intimité par le regard et le toucher sans la moindre considération pour sa dignité et en violation flagrante de la réglementation pénitentiaire ( et notamment du guide du détenu)
Elle n’a pas été autorisée à s’abriter derrière un paravent encore une fois comme l’exige la réglementation pénitentiaire. Depuis ce jour, Sonia ne dort plus. Elle, qui est entrée en prison en pleine santé, souffre aujourd'hui de multiples maladies. Son corps réagit à toutes les agressions, à tout le harcèlement qu'elle subit :
tension artérielle, diabète, douleurs dorsales insupportables. Il y a des jours où elle ne parvient même plus à se tenir debout sans assistance.
Pourtant, Sonia continue de se battre.
Sa force m'émerveille et m'inspire. Moi, qui me croyais forte, je sais maintenant que j'aurais craqué sous cette pression, sous ce harcèlement incessant. Mais elle, elle reste debout, la tête haute, prête à affronter son procès avec courage.
Depuis des semaines, j'essaie de lui apporter des vêtements acceptables pour la direction de la prison, des vêtements simples, de tous les jours. Mais à chaque fois, ils sont refusés sous des prétextes futiles.
D'abord, on m'a dit que les cols des chemises étaient "doubles" et donc inacceptables. Quand j'ai insisté, ils ont repris les chemises, pour demander une nouvelle fois l'autorisation. La réponse fut la même, avec l'ajout d'une autre excuse : "de toute façon, elle a déjà une chemise." Même Maître Mehdi Zagrouba , présent hier, n'a pas réussi à faire entendre raison à la directrice de la prison, qui a réitéré l'interdiction des chemises, arguant que Sonia avait déjà de quoi s'habiller.
Le harcèlement ne cesse de croître, et hier, mon frère et moi avons craqué. Voir notre sœur souffrir ainsi, la voir derrière les barreaux pour un simple délit d'opinion, est déjà une injustice insupportable. Mais assister au harcèlement qu'elle endure, c'est encore pire. On m'a fait savoir que je risquais gros en parlant. Je tiens à dire que je ne fais que rapporter la vérité, ce que Sonia m'a confié, ce que les avocats nous ont rapporté. Et je n'ai pas peur. Je n'ai pas peur, même si je sais qu'aujourd'hui, n'importe qui peut être harcelé, n'importe qui peut se retrouver derrière les barreaux pour avoir dit un mot de trop. Je n'ai pas peur parce que je suis dans mon droit, parce que j'ai le droit de défendre ma sœur et de dire ce qu'elle subi, parce que je crois en la suprématie de la loi et rien que la loi.
Si on doit me menacer, si on doit m'arrêter pour cela, qu'il en soit ainsi. Je n'arrêterai pas de dénoncer ce qu'on fait subir à ma sœur. Je n'arrêterai pas de rappeler à tout le monde que Sonia se tient encore droite, qu'elle est forte, qu'elle ne craquera pas. Sa famille ne craquera pas non plus. Nous serons toujours là, derrière elle. Et si demain on me fait taire, mon frère prendra le relais, puis mon autre frère , puis notre père, puis notre mère. Même si toute notre famille devait être emprisonnée, il y aurait encore les amis et tous ces inconnus qui nous soutiennent. Il y aura toujours quelqu'un pour dire que Sonia n'a rien à faire en prison
Ils ont vociféré pendant des mois sur le Net, à la télé, à la radio à propos de 40 bébés israéliens prétendument décapités alors qu’ils savaient que c’était un fake.
Ils sont totalement silencieux à propos des bébés palestiniens réellement démembrés, décapités, brûlés, affamés.
10 experts indépendants des Nations Unies dénoncent la campagne de famine ciblée organisée par Israël qui a pour conséquence de tuer les enfants se trouvant à Gaza. Silence assourdissant et honteux de Macron et de la France face au génocide du peuple palestinien.
Alors que l’Euro de football débute comment ne pas penser à mon ami Mourad Zeghidi condamné en Tunisie pour délit d’opinion Je n’oublie pas le journaliste rigoureux qu’il était dans mon équipe du temps de l’Equipe du Dimanche , fervent défenseur de la diversité d’opinion et ambassadeur zélé du pays de son cœur …la Tunisie
One day, I’ll be standing in an auditorium full of undergrads teaching them about Nazism and Zionism under the same module.
I’ll show them a documentary about May 26th 2024 - when Israel dropped several 2 thousand ton bombs on sleeping refugees in a tent, the students will lament on how the world could possibly remain silent if we had video footage from months of similar carnage.
We’ll sociologically analyze how global consent and complicity is manufactured through propaganda, and then students will be asked to write a 1000 word essay on the fake beheaded babies story.
And this is how history simply repeats itself, unless the cycle is broken by a few brave souls.
Are you on of them?
The Biden admin is undermining its own “Rules-based international order" and delegitimizing the international legal system by shielding Israel from accountability.
No one is above international law, and there’s no such thing as condemning enemies while absolving allies.