The level of gaslighting we've had in the last 24 hours is absolutely off the charts. You can fuck off with this shit:
- "Cueta is in Africa so it's not really Spain"
Pearl Harbor is in the middle of the Pacific Ocean so it's not really the US then?
- "A lot of them have gone home"
If 60,000 people break into your home and then leave that is better than them all squatting in your home permanently, but they still broke into your house.
- "They're refugees fleeing the climate crisis" (James O'Brien came up with this gem)
No, they're not. If I was fleeing the climate crisis, I'd bring my wife and kids, not 59,999 other men. They want a better life. They can apply for a visa and if they meet our rules, we'll decide which ones we want to accept and which we do not. Otherwise they're queue-barging and can fuck off.
- They can't get from to Cueta to mainland Europe because there's a stretch of water and a border there.
Uhh, we're letting boatloads of illegal immigrants into Britain on the daily. There is absolute no evidence European countries have any desire to enforce their borders.
- It's not a migrant invasion, it's just Morocco doing it on purpose
Oh, it's an *organised* invasion. What a relief.
Fuck my life.
The ANC’s racial scorekeepers have just released their latest instruction manual for how businesses with 50+ staff must purge competence in favour of skin color.
Designated employers (that’s anyone who employs more than 50 people) are now ordered to produce detailed five-year plans that force their staff complement to “reflect the demographics of the country” at every single level, top management, middle management, skilled, semi-skilled, the lot. Failing to hit the race numbers and the Department of Employment and Labour will come for you with fines that can cripple a company.
This is not “transformation.” This is state-enforced racial engineering.
White South Africans who built, staffed and kept these businesses running are now told their skills, experience and loyalty are secondary to a government checklist. The same government that cannot keep the lights on, cannot stop farm murders, and cannot run a functioning municipality is now telling private employers exactly how many White faces they are allowed to keep.
Fifty employees. That’s the new magic number. Cross it and you become a designated racial project of the state. Stay under it and you still get the privilege of watching the economy get strangled by the same ideology that has already driven investment, skills and hope out of the country.
Thirty years of this sh!t and South Africa is poorer, more violent, and more racially polarised than ever. Yet the answer from the ANC government remains the same; more quotas, more plans, more punishment for the people who still somehow make the place function.
Merit is racist. Excellence is colonial. And the only thing growing faster than the unemployment rate is the size of the government’s race bureaucracy.
How much longer before the last competent people simply stop bothering?
Here is the first excerpt from Lex Libertas' new documentary film that will form part of the White Cross Project. The full documentary will be published in September.
We need your help to produce this documentary and to make the White Cross Project a success. The goal is to raise awareness about the crisis in South Africa, so that we can use the growing awareness to raise local and international support for solutions.
Please take a minute to sign the petition!
If you are able to contribute financially, please sponsor a cross (or more than one)!
Link in the comments.
Moet nooit jammer sê vir aan jou eie kant wees nie | Net nog enetjie
"Diskriminasie teen wit Suid-Afrikaners gebasseer op hul velkleur is nie 'n leuen nie, die bestaan daarvan word bevestig in die Staatskoerant!"
https://t.co/YKP7n6a1a5
Olivia it's simple, the average age of black people is 27. Let that sink in for a moment, the vast majority of black South Africans was born long after apartheid had ended. Their suffering isn't because of apartheid but because of an ANC that has destroyed, looted and stole everything not nailed down.
White people are tired of taking the blame for failed policies, that was predictably going to fail and then that failure is attributed to a system that ended 32 years ago.
Whatever echoes of that system still exists in South Africa is entirely due to the inept and incompetent rule of the ANC and by constantly blaming Apartheid the ANC seeks to hide from accountability.
We are happy to acknowledge the past but that acknowledgement hasn't lead to prosperity in 32 years, if anything the country and its citizens are worse off today than they were 32 years ago as the poor have only gotten poorer and so, as white people we have realised that acknowledging our past clearly makes no material difference to the lives of black South Africans. Perhaps it's time black South Africans realised this as well?
It seems like a good time to remind you that if you're a young person who turned against Israel in the last five years, you were the successful target of a coordinated influence operation meant to turn you into a useful idiot for Islamo-Leftist causes.
𝐖𝐡𝐲 𝐘𝐨𝐮 𝐒𝐡𝐨𝐮𝐥𝐝 𝐕𝐨𝐭𝐞 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐅𝐅 𝐏𝐥𝐮𝐬 𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟔 𝐋𝐨𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐄𝐥𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬
Everyone keeps telling you there are only two choices.
Vote for the DA... or risk the ANC and the EFF.
But what if that's the biggest political myth in South African politics?
The real question isn't whether the DA should govern.
The real question is whether any political party should govern without meaningful pressure from its own side.
In healthy republics, governments become better when they know someone is holding them accountable.
In the Western Cape and in many other provinces, that party should be the FF Plus.
The DA has repeatedly shown that, when left unchecked, it drifts away from many of the values that built its traditional support base.
Whether you look at immigration to the Cape, federalism, cultural issues, or other policy decisions, it has become increasingly clear that the DA should not govern without a strong coalition partner capable of pulling it back in another direction.
A stronger FF Plus also increases the pressure on the DA to take issues such as greater provincial autonomy and even a referendum on Cape independence more seriously.
Then comes the argument everyone has heard:
"𝐃𝐨𝐧'𝐭 𝐰𝐚𝐬𝐭𝐞 𝐲𝐨𝐮𝐫 𝐯𝐨𝐭𝐞."
Really?
Answer one simple question.
There are currently six FF Plus Members of Parliament.
If those six MPs had instead been DA MPs, what law would be different today?
Name one piece of legislation.
Name one concrete policy that would have changed.
You can't.
Those six representatives have given a voice to issues that would otherwise have received far less attention. The answer isn't fewer FF Plus representatives.
It's more.
But this election is about something even bigger than parliamentary arithmetic.
The DA has made a strategic decision to pursue the black vote as aggressively as possible.
That is its choice.
But it leaves a political space open for a party that unapologetically represents Afrikaner interests while defending the principles of Western civilisation, constitutional government, federalism, individual responsibility, private property, and cultural self-determination.
An Afrikaner First movement does not mean hostility towards other races.
It means refusing to apologise for your own culture while respecting the cultures of others.
It means believing that South Africa's different communities should be free to preserve what makes them unique instead of being pressured into a single diluted national identity.
Afrikaner First doesn't deny other identities, it affirms them. If Afrikaners have the right to put their culture first, then so do Zulus, Xhosas, and every other community.
Politics is ultimately about choices.
Do you want a DA that knows it can take your vote for granted?
Or do you want a stronger FF Plus that forces the DA to earn your support every election?
History shows that political parties only change when voters give them a reason to.
A vote for the FF Plus is not simply a vote for another seat in council.
It is a vote for leverage.
It is a vote for accountability.
It is a vote to ensure that the DA has a principled opposition from its right instead of treating its traditional supporters as a constituency that has nowhere else to go.
If you believe the Western Cape and other provinces deserves stronger opposition, stronger federalism, stronger cultural representation, and a government that knows it can be challenged, then consider giving your vote to the FF Plus in the 2026 local elections.
Well, John confirmed at least what I have long suspected. He is a snake. Using arguments like the 30% of Afrikaners that voted no in the referendum (Most of them are dead btw) to say that the DA should not be standing for Afrikaners because well, Afrikaners are mostly just racist nationalists.
What John of course completely ignores is that the racists in South Africa today are NOT Afrikaners or Whites. The racists are the blacks in the EFF, MK, Land First and others.
The DA and John is everything that is wrong with South Africa. If you believe the DA can save South Africa then look to the Democrats in the US and tell me how exactly they have saved the US. Or look to the leftists in Europe.
A Vote for the DA is a vote for the abject evil that is leftism.
Another inflammatory racist misinformation campaign smashed through facts thanks to @afriforum
Will the media report this? Will it be given prominence in order to help people see the light?
Unfortunately in the captured SA press there is no incentive to run with news…
AfriForum dispels myth that whites own 72% of land in South Africa at property rights conference. They own only 21% of the land. Read the report below for the facts that prove this. - @afriforum https://t.co/ZiA4uMBlpl
The formidable Prof. Koos Malan dismantles one of South Africa's most infamous captured commentators and documents exactly what fuels the resentment of the fringe groupings that hate AfriForum and Solidariteit:
1. The ANC, in which they invested so much faith and energy, has made the South African state a world leader in failure.
2. The Afrikaner did not disappear as a cultural-political factor, as they predicted. The opposite happened.
3. Every poll (even those commissioned by left-wingers) shows the overwhelming majority of Afrikaners have a positive view of AfriForum and Solidariteit.
4. Lastly, millions of non-Afrikaners view the Solidarity Movement with respect and appreciation.
I highly recommend this masterclass 👇🏻
https://t.co/L8HbEffUhO
The VF+ is the only party that takes home-language education for everyone seriously. It’s also the only party I’m aware of that published its 2024 manifesto in all 11 official languages. Their manifesto was even available in Braille.
What people do not understand about the VF+ is that they believe all communities in South Africa should be strong and have more autonomy. They believe South Africa is a country of many nations. All nations in South Africa should advocate for self-determination — it doesn’t mean breaking away from the country all together and starting a new country. It’s about having more autonomy over your own affairs: a more decentralised order.
It’s a pity that the DA constantly paints the VF+ in the worst light they possibly can, whenever they can. A core support group of the DA has always been Afrikaners. Trying to drive a wedge into the Afrikaner community for political gain is truly repulsive, and I wish they will stop.
What the DA is attempting to do (and also the ANC, to an extent) is to flatten all nations of South Africa into one single nation. It’s a massive social engineering project they’ve embarked on. In principle, they also have no problem with the anglicisation of schools in South Africa. They’re a soulless party that seeks uniformity. They actually remind me of the British Empire, and their allies abroad are in lockstep, flattening their unique cultures into something new through mass immigration. “For the nation to live, the tribe must die” mos.
Afrikaners have an obsession with home-language education due to our own history with British colonialism. Afrikaans schools are incredibly important to us. That’s why you’ll see Solidariteit building new Afrikaans universities, technikons, and schools. It’s not only something we say, but something we actively pursue.
Personally, I believe diversity in South Africa should be preserved and cherished, not destroyed.
A boy from Pretoria, South Africa, has become the world's first trillionaire, but with an American citizenship and an American portfolio.
His success is a mirror that reflects South Africa's absolute failure.
Elon Musk's historic milestone proves that wealth, progress, and monumental breakthroughs are created through merit, relentless innovation, and visionary execution.
They are not created through bureaucratic gatekeeping, red tape, and ideological obsession. South African politicians hate him because his mere existence exposes their profound failure to build anything of lasting value.
Elon Musk's story is the absolute opposite of the South African story.
Had the environment allowed it, he could have built SpaceX in South Africa. Decades ago, the country possessed a first world military space and missile infrastructure.
Instead of being nurtured into a global commercial aerospace hub, it was dismantled and collapsed under decades of ANC mismanagement, state capture, and political patronage.
We cannot even talk about Elon Musk freely investing his billions back into South Africa. Despite being born in Pretoria, race based economic policies and restrictive BEE ownership mandates have historically locked out global builders who refuse to bend to political dictation.
The South African story has become a tragic tale of what could have been, tainted by toxic governance, race politics, and destructive economics.
A recent study found that some South African companies spend more on race law compliance than they earn in profit, with one firm paying 307% of its annual profit to achieve Level 2 BEE status.
Race laws are destroying the South African economy and jobs.
https://t.co/dzgTPwH1Cv
Simon Lincoln Reader writes on the spat between the DA and the FF+.
"Hill-Lewis’s best defence relies on the theory that nobody is immune to crime – making every dimension of it, including correctional services, fair game. But that implies Groenewald is doing a bad job – which he most certainly isn’t – or failed to convince the public he’s capable, when the truth is that he’s fashioned a rare and enviable soft power, catching the eye of young black musicians (in the song Nangu Mlungu)."
Read Simon's full analysis in The Common Sense.
https://t.co/Qm8aDr57wU
Many people have questioned the sudden attack on Oom Pieter Groenewald by Geordin Hill-Lewis and subsequently the Democratic Alliance.
The public response was unanimous in its support of Oom Piet and the @VFPlus, and many mainstream media publications and leaders of other political parties asked where this sudden attack came from.
The answer is one man, Ryan Coetzee. He is a former CEO of the DA, a former Chief Strategist/Campaign Strategist of the DA and a former Member of Parliament for the DA.
His current role within the DA is once again that of a chief strategist for the party, specifically within the ministerial caucus of the DA. He started in this role in April this year, weeks before the attack on the @VFPlus.
Some of Ryan's most notable achievements are:
- Being the Director of Strategy for the Liberal Democrats in the UK (2012 - 2015), and whilst being in that role, the Lib Dems suffered a catastrophic collapse where they went from 57 seats to 8 seats. Most blamed him as the chief strategist for this collapse.
- After the above failure, he was given the Director of Strategy role for the Brexit Remain Campaign, which ultimately led to another embarrassing defeat and many critics cited his "Fear Campaign" and "Elitist Campaigning" as being out of touch with reality.
The reason I mention all of the above is simple: Ryan Coetzee is trying the exact same strategy that has led to massive defeats and, in one case, nearly destroyed a political party. So why is the DA so hell-bent on implementing his strategies?
The DA says, “Do not waste your vote on smaller parties.” Bullsh*t!
If you fall for this false line, you are probably insane enough to vote ANC.
Imagine a DA with 30% control in the Western Cape and VF Plus with 25%: Christianity protected, rates reduced, crime under control first, instead of spending 8 billion on low-income housing which entice every “tom, dick and harry” to flee their province for free housing.
Split your vote to protect Christianity and Save the Western Cape.
Open Letter to Ambassador Roelf Meyer
(video link below)
Dear Mr Meyer,
Lex Libertas is a South Africa-based think tank and advocacy group committed to the advancement of the unchanging principles of constitutionalism, freedom, and genuine self-governance for the diverse peoples residing in the territory known as South Africa. We conduct evidence-based research into South Africa’s political and constitutional challenges, with a particular focus on the protection of minority rights, the dangers of centralised majoritarian rule, and the pursuit of sustainable, decentralised solutions that can provide long-term stability and justice for all communities.
Our activities are not limited to research, however, as we are also involved with a variety of campaigns and projects, including the White Cross Project, through which we intend to display 3,000 crosses on the National Mall in Washington, D.C., to raise awareness about the crisis in South Africa and to channel that awareness into support for tangible solutions.
The purpose of this letter is twofold.
First, we wish to respectfully express our concerns regarding your appointment as South Africa’s Ambassador to the United States. We have expressed these concerns publicly and we wish to bring them under your immediate attention.
Second, we wish to urge you to discharge your duties with honesty and courage by presenting a truthful account of the profound challenges facing the peoples of South Africa. I say this because it is not hard to imagine a scenario in which the positions you take in your capacity as Ambassador would default to defending the actions of the South African government, when those actions are, in many cases, the source of the problem.
With that said, I will explain our concern with your appointment first.
While we respect the office and the importance of diplomatic engagement, your appointment raises serious questions about the nature of the representation South Africa will receive in Washington.
As the chief negotiator for the National Party during the constitutional negotiations of the early 1990s, you played a central role in shaping the political settlement that followed the 1992 referendum. That referendum was widely understood — not only by those who voted ‘Yes’, but by the broader public — as a mandate for a settlement that would include meaningful power-sharing, strong protections for minorities, the safeguarding of property rights, and the devolution of power away from centralised control. I am sure you recall that those were the promises made by the National Party at the time regarding what they intended to do with the so-called ‘yes’ vote. The National Party – and you personally – even campaigned under the banner: ‘Are you scared of a majoritarian government? Vote “yes”.’
The ‘yes’ vote provided a very specific mandate, but you treated it like an open mandate and eventually conceded on most of these commitments that were described to your constituency as ‘non-negotiable.’
Following the transition, you joined the African National Congress – the party you vowed to keep out of power. More than three decades later, in 2026, you remain, as far as we are aware, a member of that party. When you were asked about the criticism you often receive regarding your conduct during the negotiations during a more recent television interview, you shrugged it off, saying that it is indeed the case that politicians like yourself sometimes make promises, knowing that you have no intention of keeping them. This is because, in your own words, that is just the way of politics.
This pro-ANC defence is difficult to reconcile with the scale of institutional decay, economic decline, and human suffering that has occurred under ANC governance since 1994. It is reasonable for observers to ask whether someone with your history and continued political affiliation is likely to present a full and honest account of South Africa’s challenges to the United States government, or whether you will instead default to defending the ruling party’s narrative and minimising the very real crises facing minority communities.
Second, on the point of honesty regarding the issues facing the peoples of South Africa.
We wish to draw your attention to four specific policy areas that are of deep concern to various communities in South Africa – particularly pro-American communities. In each case, we set out what we anticipate you may be inclined to argue when engaging with the United States government, and what we respectfully urge you to also state publicly.
Farm Attacks
We expect that you may argue that farm attacks are a serious concern but that they form part of the broader crime crisis affecting all communities in South Africa. We expect that you will emphasise that farm attacks constitute a small percentage of all crimes in South Africa and, in so far as you concede that the problem exists (something the President was not prepared to do), we expect that you will say that it affects everyone and that it is a consequence of economic inequality. Therefore, you might say that the solution is economic growth and the way to achieve this is American investment in South Africa.
We sincerely hope, however, that you will also state the following: Farm attacks stand apart as exceptionally brutal. They constitute the only major crime phenomenon in the country with regard to which treating the matter as a priority crime is regarded as politically inconvenient. It is also the only significant crime phenomenon with regard to which some of the most influential politicians in the country have either denied that the problem exists, or have actively encouraged it — not only through songs and chants, but also through public statements on social media. There is ample evidence of this political incitement. This is not ordinary criminality; it is criminality combined with political incitement and victim-blaming by those in power, and it demands specific and honest acknowledgment.
Hate Speech
We expect that you may argue that the African National Congress has largely moved away from chanting ‘Kill the Boer, Kill the Farmer’, that South Africa respects freedom of speech, that these matters are best left to the courts under the Constitution, and that the chant itself should be regarded as a historical struggle chant rather than a literal call to violence. We also expect you to say that those who chant such slogans are not in the Government of National Unity (GNU) and that this is why President Ramaphosa needs more support.
We sincerely hope, however, that you will also state the following: While the courts must do their work, political leadership cannot hide behind conveniences when urgent intervention is needed for the sake of peace and stability. The repeated use of slogans such as ‘Kill the Boer, Kill the Farmer’ and ‘Dubula i’Bhunu’ (sometimes chanted at political rallies, sometimes during farm attacks, sometimes painted on farmhouses during or before attacks, and sometimes even written with the blood of murdered farmers on farmhouse walls) has real and documented consequences. There is ample testimony of perpetrators being influenced by this rhetoric and farm attacks increasing as a result of such rhetoric. Furthermore, senior politicians who publicly chant or defend these slogans, such as Julius Malema, sit on the Judicial Service Commission and play a direct role in the appointment of judges. It is, therefore, naïve to expect judges to rule firmly against speech that is openly used by those who decide their career prospects. Political leaders have a duty to clearly and unequivocally reject these calls to violence. Lastly, there is also ample evidence of President Ramaphosa himself and other leaders within the ANC encouraging those who chant these slogans publicly to join the ANC.
Property Rights
We expect that you may argue that South Africa has a destructive history of land dispossession and land injustice, and that land reform and restitution are, therefore, necessary to correct these historical imbalances. We also expect that you would say that issues like the confiscation of property would be treated responsibly.
We sincerely hope, however, that you will also state the following: There is a fundamental difference between restitution and redistribution. The South African political elite has placed a question mark over white land ownership per definition, regardless of how the land was acquired. The vast majority of land claims have been filed in urban areas, with more than 90 percent of claimants indicating that they would prefer monetary compensation rather than land. According to the government’s own data, more than 90 percent of government land reform projects have failed, with productive commercial farms converted into subsistence farms, and subsistence farms converted into squatter camps. Furthermore, the amount of people in South Africa who have indicated that they believe more land reform would improve their lives is 1%.
The threat to property rights extends far beyond the Expropriation Act. Based on available data, it is reasonable to estimate that 10,000 land invasions occur in South Africa each year, and legislation such as the PIE Act frequently protects illegal invaders at the expense of lawful property owners. Significant public opposition to the Expropriation Act and to attempts to undermine title deeds was largely ignored by the government. Senior politicians have openly encouraged illegal farm invasions and have made particularly alarming, inflammatory statements in this regard. President Ramaphosa promised to create a ‘Garden of Eden’ and the ‘ultimate paradise’ through the confiscation of land from white people. Former Deputy President David Mabuza warned of a violent takeover if white landowners do not voluntarily hand over their land. Minister Zweli Mkhize stated that only property belonging to white people would be confiscated. These statements, combined with vague legislation, create massive uncertainty and open the door to abuse. Laws and policies in this area must be judged by their actual consequences, not merely by their stated intentions.
The claim that land reform will be dealt with responsibly is diametrically opposed to the fact that those in power – including President Ramaphosa himself – openly celebrate the leadership of the former Zimbabwean president, Robert Mugabe, and his land reform policies in particular.
Race Laws
We do not expect that you would deny the existence of race laws in South Africa as many in the media do. We do expect, however, that you may argue that South Africa has a history of segregation and serious inequality, and that race laws are, therefore, necessary to address these historical imbalances and promote transformation.
We sincerely hope, however, that you will also state the following: There appears to be some confusion, and at times outright doublespeak, in how these policies are defended. Some claim there are no race laws in South Africa, while others defend them as necessary — sometimes in the same breath. The reality is that South Africa now has far more race laws than existed during the apartheid era.
Perhaps most importantly, these laws have not achieved their stated goals. Unemployment, poverty, and inequality have all worsened since their introduction. Instead, these policies have facilitated massive corruption, with only a small, politically connected elite benefitting. They have also been highly destructive to the South African economy, driving away investment and crippling both large corporations and small businesses. Laws should ultimately be judged by their consequences, not by their intentions. You might remember that you have argued this before with regard to National Party legislation during the apartheid era. Surely, this principle should also be applied to ANC legislation. The undeniable consequences of South Africa’s current race laws have been economic destruction, increased racial friction, and the systematic exclusion of minorities from the economy.
The four issues outlined above are not isolated policy failures. They are symptoms of a deeper structural problem that lies at the heart of South Africa’s constitutional order.
In our report Reclaiming Freedom, published in July 2025, we set out the argument that South Africa’s fundamental challenge is not merely poor implementation or corrupt leadership, but the design of the constitutional framework itself. South Africa is not a single, homogenous nation. It is a deeply diverse country comprising multiple nations, cultures, languages and communities with often fundamentally different values, histories and aspirations. A highly centralised, majoritarian constitutional model was imposed on this reality, concentrating power in a single government in Pretoria with minimal meaningful checks, devolution, or protection for minority communities.
One might argue that these checks and balances exist in theory by pointing to particular passages in the Constitution, but they certainly do not exist in reality. This is the crux of the matter.
The result has been predictable: the systematic marginalisation of minorities, the erosion of property rights, the normalisation of racial exclusion through legislation, and the inability of communities to protect themselves against state failure and political incitement. The current constitutional architecture has proven incapable of accommodating South Africa’s diversity in a manner that is just and sustainable. Continuing to defend this model while merely promising better ‘implementation’ is, in our view, to misdiagnose the problem.
We respectfully submit that any honest assessment of South Africa’s trajectory must acknowledge that genuine, lasting solutions will require a fundamental reconsideration of the centralised constitutional model. This includes serious exploration of decentralisation, meaningful self-governance for communities, and constitutional arrangements that can accommodate the reality that South Africa is a country of nations rather than a single nation. Without such structural reform, the micro-political crises we have described will continue to intensify, regardless of who occupies the Union Buildings.
Mr Meyer, as South Africa’s Ambassador to the United States, you carry a significant responsibility. You are not merely the representative of the African National Congress or even of the current government. You are the Ambassador of the Republic of South Africa — a country that is not a single, homogenous nation, but a collection of diverse nations, cultures, languages and communities with often profoundly different histories, values, experiences and aspirations.
Your duty, therefore, cannot be limited to conveying the official positions and narratives of the ruling party. It requires you to present a full, honest, and balanced account of the challenges facing our country, including the very real concerns of minority communities whose safety, property rights, and future prospects are under increasing threat.
We respectfully submit that any approach which downplays, minimises or omits these realities — whether through selective emphasis or silence — does not serve the long-term interests of South Africa. It would be far more constructive, and ultimately more credible, for you to acknowledge both the perspectives of the government and the legitimate concerns of those communities who feel increasingly marginalised and excluded.
We intend to continue raising these issues directly with the United States government, members of Congress, and other international partners. Later this year, through our White Cross project and related initiatives, we will present detailed evidence of the challenges facing minority communities in South Africa, including farm attacks, the erosion of property rights, the impact of race-based legislation, and the broader constitutional questions that remain unresolved.
In this context, it would serve both your credibility and the long-term interests of the peoples of South Africa if you were to present a full and honest account of these matters to the American government, rather than defaulting to selective emphasis or omission. Dishonesty by omission remains a form of lying, and it ultimately serves no one — least of all the peoples of South Africa — when the full reality of the challenges facing this beautiful country is withheld from those with whom we seek to maintain constructive relations.
We remain available to provide further documentation, evidence, or clarification on any of the issues raised in this letter. We respectfully urge you to discharge your responsibilities as Ambassador with the courage and integrity that the gravity of South Africa’s situation demands.
In this regard, we are keen to work with you and support your ventures to help improve the prospects of our fellow citizens.
Yours sincerely,
Dr Ernst Roets
Executive Director
Lex Libertas