I will forever be grateful to @claudeai, @AnthropicAI and @DarioAmodei for helping me bring my pet history project, a 15 year dream, to life.
For a guy with below average intellect, less than ok articulation and zero knowledge of code and programming, it was @claudeai's sheer awesomeness that transformed my sketchy vision, written in broken English, into actual, clickable, reality.
I had never even imagined there would be a day, where we could be given the power to create and get access to a domain that was the preserve of much more intelligent beings.
I will forever be grateful to them for this.
https://t.co/rkl9nW7XlG
On this auspicious day of Ashada Ekadashi, I am very happy to announce the launch of my humble attempt to make history interesting.
https://t.co/SGfD2ebBpO
The idea is actually very very simple
You go to the site, select a year, and It will show you who ruled which part of India at that point in time.
Today, India takes a defining step in its civil nuclear journey, advancing the second stage of its nuclear programme.
The indigenously designed and built Prototype Fast Breeder Reactor at Kalpakkam has attained criticality.
This advanced reactor, capable of producing more fuel than it consumes, reflects the depth of our scientific capability and the strength of our engineering enterprise. It is a decisive step towards harnessing our vast thorium reserves in the third stage of the programme.
A proud moment for India. Congratulations to our scientists and engineers.
If we’re forced to choose between Shia Muslims and Sunni Muslims in today’s geopolitical landscape, then as a former Sunni, I can tell you, I wouldn’t hesitate for a second:
I would choose the Shia every single time.
Hezbollah has devastated Lebanon for over 30 years. They’ve hijacked the country’s sovereignty, dragged it into needless wars with Israel, dealt drugs across continents, and trained militias from Syria to Yemen.
Iran’s regime has exported chaos to the entire region.
I am not here to sanitize the destruction caused by Shia Islam.
But there is no comparison, none, between Sunni jihad and Shia jihad when it comes to the barbarity, monstrosity, and nihilism at their core.
Shia wilāya is a political-theological project rooted in eschatological hope, the belief in a coming world of justice, peace, and divine order under the awaited Mahdi.
This doesn’t make their actions justifiable, but it does mean their violence is directed, however twistedly, against what they interpret as tyrannical regimes or ideological threats.
When they target civilians, it’s typically selective, an assassination of a perceived enemy of the movement, not wholesale slaughter for religious cleansing.
This vision stems from their Muʿtazila-influenced theology, which still gives weight to human reason and moral evaluation alongside the sacred text.
Sunni jihad, by contrast, is a black hole.
It recognizes no moral hierarchy, no ethical filter, no gradation of violence.
There is no distinction between soldier and child, between combatant and teacher, between state and street.
Any non-Muslim, or even any “wrong” kind of Muslim, is a legitimate target.
Bombing a wedding, beheading an aid worker, enslaving Yazidi girls, torching churches, shooting up schools, this is not collateral damage. It is the goal.
Sunni Islam’s dominant theological school, Ashʿarism, rejects reason as a tool for understanding good and evil.
Morality, in this view, is whatever Allah commands, even if it contradicts logic, conscience, or compassion.
If the Qur’an says to kill the unbeliever, then killing is not just allowed, it is good. Period.
This is why Sunni jihadis can burn people alive, blow up their own children, or massacre entire villages, because they believe Allah said so, and that’s the end of the story.
Shia Islam, for all its flaws, is still institutional, hierarchical, and clerically mediated.
You don’t see Shia suicide bombers popping up in random countries every week because violence is still (relatively) controlled from above.
But Sunni jihad is chaotic, decentralized, and viral. Sunni theology is deontological, Shia theology is teleological.
Sunni terrorism is a Frankenstein of Wahhabism, Deobandism, Salafism, and Muslim Brotherhood ideology that teaches followers to reject all modernity, all compromise, and all mercy.
The United States has spent EIGHT TRILLION DOLLARS fighting and policing in the Middle East. Thousands of our Great Soldiers have died or been badly wounded. Millions of people have died on the other side. GOING INTO THE MIDDLE EAST IS THE WORST DECISION EVER MADE.....
Dear two-wheeler riders,
I’m writing to express a concern I’ve been having. Many of you attempt to squeeze onto my left and pass me while I’m turning left, despite my car’s left turn indicator flashing for the last half a minute. You also do so just as I start turning. You accelerate instead of slowing down.
I’m curious about your habits. When you set your mixer jar at home, do you put your head inside it before turning it on?
I’d really appreciate your response. Please write back to me.
I cannot believe I am saying this, but Saudi is on the wrong here, not the UAE. I was writing a piece for MENA Unleashed, and when I put the dots together, I discovered the truth. Saudi is hungry and is trying to eat the UAE lunch just like how Trump wants to take over Canada economically to fix the ills of the US economy. What is driving the Saudi feud with the UAE is domestic economic struggles. Vision 2030 did not deliver on its promises in terms of returns, and oil prices are not helping either. So Saudi is trying to bash the UAE and increase its instability so that it can take its market share for foreign capital inflows to the region. Saudi did not have a moral awakening on Israel or Yemen. It is broke and needs money and the UAE is a flourishing economy it wants to swallow. This is kind of a repeat of Saudi-Qatar dispute which was also partially driven by the Saudi desire to eat the Qataris lunch in terms of gas sales revenues. I have put together the evidence in this piece. https://t.co/LNPcObK8ww
Caste, Civilisation, Contradiction: Ambedkar And Savarkar Cannot Be Reconciled
@CivitasSameer: There are very clear fundamental differences between the Ambedkarite and Savarkarite positions. These are two distinct worldviews, with two different premises and thus two different approaches to society.
https://t.co/cL9QbczYe7
🚨 PUBLIC SAFETY HAZARD 🚨
Road outside our building gate at Mahalaxmi Temple Lane was dug up overnight without notice.
Debris dumped right at the gate — access completely blocked. Emergency vehicles cannot enter or exit. ACT NOW!
@mybmc@CMOMaharashtra@MumbaiPolice#BMC#Mumbai
I have publicly urged the Indian government to clear former Army chief M.M. Naravane’s manuscript so that his memoir can finally be released. That appeal stands. Yet I remain genuinely puzzled by the political controversy surrounding a particular passage in the unreleased book — one that recounts Chinese tanks advancing toward Indian positions at Rechin La on the Kailash Heights in August 2020.
According to Naravane’s own account, the Chinese advance prompted him to seek urgent guidance from the defense minister and the national security adviser. The political leadership, he writes, authorized him to respond as he judged appropriate — conveying the direction, “Jo uchit samjho, woh karo” (“Do what you think is fit”). Despite this delegation of authority granting him carte blanche, Naravane presents the episode as an abdication of responsibility by the government, arguing that the political leadership should have specified the precise response he was to undertake.
That claim deserves closer scrutiny, not least because it sits uneasily with Naravane’s own record during the border crisis with China.
The serial Chinese encroachments across multiple points in eastern Ladakh during April-May 2020 occurred on Naravane’s watch as Army chief. These were not minor incursions but coordinated intrusions that fundamentally altered the military status quo along the Line of Actual Control. Yet no senior Army officer was publicly held accountable for what was a grave lapse, one that has left India facing a structurally adverse and enduring security situation in eastern Ladakh.
Equally consequential was Naravane’s public messaging once the encroachments came to light. From early May 2020 onward, he repeatedly downplayed the scope and intent of Chinese actions. On May 14, 2020, he attributed troop clashes around several encroached areas to “aggressive behavior by both sides,” creating a false equivalence between the aggressor and Indian forces.
He further described the confrontations and clashes in Ladakh and Sikkim as arising from “differing perceptions” of the alignment of the LAC, effectively portraying deliberate territorial advances as cartographic misunderstandings. At another point, he asserted that these incidents were “neither co-related nor do they have any connection with other global or local activities,” implicitly severing them from the broader pattern of Chinese coercive behavior unfolding at the time. (Such statements of Naravane have been quoted by me in this essay published in mid-2020: https://t.co/wLHvkzk2YW.)
Such statements mattered. They did not merely reflect diplomatic caution; they publicly diluted the clarity of India’s position at a moment of acute military crisis. The clashes in Ladakh and Sikkim were, in fact, clearly related — part of a coordinated Chinese push to alter facts on the ground under cover of ambiguity, consistent with Beijing’s wider approach to territorial revisionism under Xi Jinping.
The costs of this messaging became starkly apparent in mid-June. On June 13, 2020, Naravane publicly declared that “the entire situation along our borders with China is under control.” https://t.co/IE54IYgNlT
Two days later, Indian troops were ambushed and killed by PLA forces in the Galwan Valley, triggering bloody clashes there and shattering the public narrative of stability, besides exposing the extent to which the crisis had been mischaracterized.
It is against this backdrop that Naravane’s account of the Rechin La episode must be assessed. Having repeatedly minimized Chinese aggression and eschewed accountability within the Army’s senior ranks, he now suggests that the political leadership erred by granting him operational discretion rather than prescribing a specific military response to a fast-moving tactical situation.
This is an odd contention. Civilian control of the military does not entail political micro-management of battlefield decisions. On the contrary, professional armed forces are entrusted with operational judgment precisely so that political leaders are not required to dictate tactical responses in real time. Delegation of authority in moments of crisis is not a failure of leadership; it is a recognition of the military’s professional domain.
Naravane’s complaint thus raises a more fundamental question than the one he appears to intend. Does an Army chief require explicit political instructions on how to counter localized enemy aggression on the ground? Or is the exercise of professional military judgment — within clearly articulated political objectives — the very essence of command?
That question, rather than the selective controversy surrounding a memoir, is what deserves serious public debate.
Christianity arrived in India when the Zoroastrian king Shapur I expelled his seditious Christian subjects from the Persian Empire in the 4th century CE. That's around 1,700 years ago. So basically it has taken the Christian church in India 17 centuries to pick a Dalit as their first Cardinal. How long will the church take to elect a Dalit Pope?
Martin Luther King's observation that "Sunday is the most segregated day of the week" in America is true of Christianity in India too. Dalits and upper caste Christians both attend separate churches. Some time back, Syrian Christians in Kerala lynched a lower caste Christian boy for marrying a Syrian Christian girl. Christianity, like its sister Islam, is not a religion of equality.