Mulugheta Ghiorgis

[Mulugheta Ghiorgis @MulughetaGhior2]

@ethioluptus @reda_getachew The reason why Eritrea is still standing strong is becouse of never kneeling down for any one. You know it very well . 😃

[Mulugheta Ghiorgis @MulughetaGhior2]

@ElonVisioniX 55

[Mulugheta Ghiorgis @MulughetaGhior2]

@bade1hp 111

[Yemane G. Meskel 🇪🇷 @hawelti]

Profile Q & A - Polytech, AI, and the Future: Isaias Okbai on Eritrean Innovation

To be realistic, these are modest programmes still at the early incipient phase. But the broader vision and optimism are laudable indeed!

*"...In Eritrea, technical creativity is practically a national passion. You can see it in the industrial legacy left by our ancestors  and, most profoundly, in the brilliant improvisations born of our armed struggle. Even today, if you visit any ordinary household, you will see how resourcefully people repair and maintain their home appliances despite material shortages. As a nation, we are naturally curious and open-minded about new technology, as evidenced by how eagerly the younger generation enrolls in our tech courses".

*"...My final message to the Eritrean youth is: let us focus on our opportunities rather than our scarcities. By embracing our national principle of self-reliance, we can replicate the miraculous achievements of our past and firmly establish our country as one of the continent’s tech centers".

https://t.co/WfaqL44lAi

[Michael Teclai 🇪🇷 @michael_teclai]

🇪🇷 GOLD in Accra! 🥇

Dawit Seare — African Senior Champion, 5000m. A true athlete, full of love for his people and his country, shining bright during this special month of independence.

Kudos, Dawit! You've made us all proud! 🇪🇷 #EritreaShineAt35

[Yemane G. Meskel 🇪🇷 @hawelti]

Exclusive Q &A: 'We Consider Eritrea a Pillar of Stability'; Egypt's Foreign Minister, Dr. Badr Abdellaty

*"...This visit comes amidst several important occasions, most notably the approaching celebration of the 35th Anniversary of Eritrea’s Independence. Heartfelt congratulations on this auspicious occasion. I am carrying a message from President El-Sisi to his brother President Isaias – a message of empathy, brotherhood, friendship, support, and solidarity".

*"...Firstly, we view Eritrea as a fundamental pillar of stability in this troubled region, the Horn of Africa. We admire President Isaias’s wisdom in managing relations with a high degree of tact, balance, and de-escalation. Secondly, there is a shared vision between the two Presidents regarding managing relations in the Red Sea and Horn of Africa. We manage these relations based on dialogue, focusing on improving living standards, enhancing economic and technical cooperation, and avoiding military escalation or rash adventures with unpredictable consequences. We cannot afford such situations; we already have more than enough problems".

*"...There is a strong alignment between Egyptian and Eritrean viewpoints that all matters related to the governance and security of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden are solely the responsibility of the littoral states. This is crystal clear and non-negotiable. Discussions are currently underway among the littoral states – particularly with Saudi Arabia, Eritrea, Egypt, Jordan, Yemen, and Somalia – to activate the Council of Arab and African States Bordering the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. The focus is on activating this council as quickly as possible to ensure that governance and security of the Red Sea are a reality, not just rhetoric. This necessitates activating the council’s mechanisms, which will be headquartered in Saudi Arabia. There are clear visions for linking ports and fostering logistical cooperation among Red Sea ports of the littoral states. Security, too, must be the sole responsibility of the littoral states and no other parties. This is a clear and non-negotiable point".

https://t.co/MzLeWmOVU4

[ER MEDIA @ERMedia91]

ንማዕርነታዊ ሽርክነት’ምበር “እምባ” ንምንዳይ ኣይኮነን

ኣመሪካ ዝምድንኣ ምስ ኤርትራ ዳግም ንምትካሉ (Reset) ትሰርሕ ምህላዋ ዝገልጽ፡ Wall Street Journal ዝተባህለ ጋዜጣ ኣመሪካ ሓደ ዓንቀጽ ዘርጊሑ። ሕመረት ናይ’ቲ ጽሑፍ “ ጂኦግራፊያዊ ኣቀማምጣ ኤርትራን ስትራተጂያዊ ኣገዳስነቱ ንረብሓታት ኣመሪካ” ጠቓሚ ስለ ዝኾነን ብፍላይ ድሕሪ ምብራዕ “ ኲናት ኢራን”፡ ስዒቡ ዝተፈጥረ ወጥሪ ኣብ መጻብቦ ሆርሙዝን፡ ምምሕዳር ትራምፕ ንምብርባሩ ዝያዳ ከም ዝተሃንጠየ ይገልጽ። ከም “ግንዖ” ከኣ ኣመሪካ ከፊላዊ ምልዓል እገዳ ኣብ ል���ሊ ኤርትራ ክትገብር ከም እትደሊ ይጠቅስ።

መቓምጦ ኤርትራ ኣብ ኣገዳሲ ጂኦ-ስትራተጂያዊ ዞባ ዝርከብ ምዃኑ፡ ሎሚ ዝኽሰት ዘሎ ሓድ�� ርኽበት ኣይኮነን። ጥንታዊ’ዩ። ጠንቂ ናይ 80 ዓመታት ዓሎቕ፡ ውዲት፡ መግዛእቲ፡ ብሓደ ወገን፡ ሳዕቤን ቃልስን መስዋእትን ድማ በቲ ካልእ ዝነበረን ዘሎን፡ ንሱ እዚ ኣገዳሲ ጂኦ-ስትራተጂያዊ ኣቀማምጣ ኤርትራ እዩ። ሽግር ወይ ዕንቅፋት ዝኸውን ዘሎ ግን፡ ግጉይ ፖሊሲ ምምሕዳራት ኣመሪካ ኣብ’ዚ ዞባ እምበር እቲ ጂኦ-ስትራተጂያዊ ኣቀማምጣ ኤርትራን ኣገዳስነቱን ኣይኮነን። መርገጺ ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ጉዳይ’ዚ ኣህጉራዊ ኣገዳስነት ዘለዎ ጂኦ-ስትራተጂያዊ ከባቢ ንጹር’ዩ። ምውሓስ ሰላምን ጸጥታን ከባቢና ሓላፍነት ሃገራት ገማግም እምበር ንኻልኦት ዝወሃብ ዕዮ ኣይኮነን ዝብል መትከል ይኣምን። እዚ ማለት ግን ደገፍን ምትሕግጋዝን ካ���ኦት ኣብ ዘድልየሉ እዋን፡ ዘይሕሰምን ዘይነጽግን ምዃኑ ከኣ ክዝከር ኣለዎ።

ንድሕሪት ቁሩብ ምልስ ኢልና እንተፈቲሽና፡ ኤርትራ ምስ ኣመሪካ ዘለዋ ዝምድና ንምምዕባል ካብ ጽባሕ ናጽነትን ቅድሚኡን፡ ዝተፈላለየ ተበግሶታት ብምውሳድ ዝተግሀት ሃገር’ያ። ዓሚ ሓምለ፡ ፕረዚደንት ትራምፕ ኣብ ሓድሕዳዊ “ምክብባር” ዝተመርኮሰ፡ ቅድሚኡ ንዝተፈጸመ ጌጋ ዝእርም ዝምድና ምስ ኤርትራ ክሃንጽ ከም ዝደሊ ዝገልጽ መልእኽቲ ናብ ፕረዚደንት ኢሳይያስ ምልኣኹ፡ ኤርትራ ብእወታ ተቐቢላቶ እያ። ኣብቲ ቀዳማይ እብረ ስልጣን ፕረዚደንት ትራምፕ፡ ፕረዚደንት ኢሳይያስ’ውን ተበግሶ ኤርትራ ንምምሕያሽ ዝምድና ምስ ኣመሪካ ዝገልጽ መልእኽቲ ሰዲዱ ምንባሩ ክርሳዕ የብሉን።

ኤርትራ ምስ ኩለን ሃገራት ኣብ ማዕርነትን ሓድሕድ ምክብባርን ዝተመርኮሰ ውዱን ዝምድና ምምዕባል እንተዘይኮይኑ፡ ምስ ሓደ ወገን ኣንጻር ካልእ ወ���ን ምሽራው ዘይትቕበል፡ ኣብ ልኡላዊ ግዝኣታ ወተሃደራዊ መደበር ወጻእተኛታት ኣንጻር ካልኦት ክህሉን ክነጥፍን ዘይትፈቅድ ሃገር’ያ። ስለ’ዚ ምስ ኣመሪካ ክምዕብል ዝድለ ዝምድና’ውን ብዋጋ ካልኦትን ኣንጻር ካልኦትን ክኸውን ኣይክእልን’ዩ። ከም’ቲ ዝበሃል ዘሎ ድማ ኣመሪካን ምምሕዳር ትራምፕን ምምሕ��ሽ ዝምድና ምስ ኤርትራ ንምቅልጣፍ ይሰርሑ እንተልዮም እወታዊ’ዩ። ኤርትራ’ውን ክትጽዕረሉ ዝጸንሐትን እትደልዮን ስለ ዝኾነ። እንተ ብዛዕባ’ቲ ከም “ግንዖ” ዝጥቀስ ዘሎ ምልዓል እገዳ ኣብ ልዕሊ ኤርትራ፡ ብቐደሙ’ውን ሓደ ካብቲ ክኸውን ዘይነበሮ በደላት ምምሕዳር ኣመሪካ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ክለዓል ዘለዎ’ዩ። ከም መባድልቲ ኣብ ምምሕያሽን ምምዕባልን ክልትኣዊ ዝምድና ኤርትራ - ኣመሪካ ክውሰድ ግን ቅኑዕ ኣይኮነን።

ሎሚ፡ ጽባሕ፡ ምእንቲ ሰላምን ርግኣትን ሃገርናን ከባቢናን፡ ምስ ኣመሪካ ዝምድና ንምምሕያሽ ክንጽዕር ኢና። ንኽልትኤን ሃገራት ኣብ ዘርብሑ ጉዳያትን ዓውድታትን ድማ ናጽነትን ልኡላውንትን ዝመሰረቱ ምትሕግጋዝ ��ምዕባል ግቡእ ስለ ዝኾነ ክንደፍኣሉ ኢና። እንተኾነ ግን “መጸግዒ እምባ” ከም ምንዳይ ክውሰድ የብሉን። ዓይንና እናረኣየ ኣእዛንና እናሰምዐ ጌጋ ካልኦት ክንደግም ዘይሕሰብ’ዩ።

@followers

[Amb. Sophia Tesfamariam @AmbStesfamariam]

There has been a lot written about Eritrea in the last few weeks, and I have decided to respond to one of the many pieces coming out of Ethiopia...The IFA article titled “Eritrea’s Sovereignty Claim and the Insecurity It Conceals”.

This article rests on a selective interpretation of international law, an incomplete account of the history of the #Horn of #Africa, and a troubling attempt to recast legitimate concerns regarding #sovereignty and territorial integrity as evidence of political insecurity rather than lawful state responsibility. It is therefore necessary to address several of the issues raised in this selectively framed piece.

The title itself is particularly revealing. It reflects an increasingly common tendency in certain Prosperity Party (PP) political and intellectual circles to delegitimize Eritrea’s invocation of sovereignty by portraying it not as a foundational principle of international law, but as a form of concealment, obstruction, or paranoia. That framing is deeply problematic.

Sovereignty is not something #Eritrea must “hide behind.” Sovereignty is the cornerstone of the modern international legal order, enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and the Constitutive Act of the African Union. For African states in particular, many of which emerged from colonial partition, territorial disputes, occupation, and prolonged external interference, the defense of sovereignty and territorial integrity cannot be dismissed as rhetorical posturing; these are existential legal principles rooted in painful historical experience.

For #Eritrea, these concerns are not theoretical. Eritrea emerged from a long anti-colonial and anti-annexation struggle following federation, annexation, and decades of war. #Ethiopia was not merely a neighboring state in #Eritrean historical memory; it was Eritrea’s former colonizer. That historical experience inevitably shapes Eritrea’s understanding of sovereignty, borders, and national survival.

As the Amharic proverb aptly states: “የወጋ ቢረሳ የተወጋ አይረሳም” — “The one who inflicted the wound may forget, but the one who was wounded never does.” The proverb captures an essential reality often ignored in external analyses of #Eritrea: historical memory shapes national security consciousness. States and peoples that endured annexation, war, occupation, territorial disputes, sanctions, and prolonged external pressure do not, and cannot, approach questions of sovereignty lightly or abstractly.

From an #Eritrean perspective, sovereignty is therefore not an abstract diplomatic slogan or tactical political shield. It is inseparable from the sacrifices made during one of Africa’s longest liberation struggles and from the determination to prevent any return, direct or indirect, to arrangements perceived as compromising Eritrea’s hard-won independence and territorial integrity.

To suggest that Eritrea’s insistence on sovereignty somehow masks illegitimate motives effectively reverses the legal burden. It implies that smaller states defending internationally recognized borders must justify their concerns, while larger regional powers, advancing inflammatory hegemonistic ambitions and openly invoking “historical rights,” “natural entitlement,” or “strategic necessity” regarding maritime access, are treated as merely pursuing economic pragmatism.

From Eritrea’s perspective, the issue has never been whether Ethiopia, as a landlocked state, possesses legitimate developmental interests in commercial maritime access. Eritrea has never disputed that principle. International law already recognizes the rights of landlocked states to negotiated access and freedom of transit. The issue is whether such ambitions are being articulated and pursued in a manner consistent with the UN Charter, sovereign equality, and the prohibition against the threat or use of force.

Article 2(4) of the @UN Charter prohibits not only the use of force, but also the threat of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of states. International law does not require states to wait for military invasion before taking seriously rhetoric, strategic signaling, or political discourse carrying coercive implications. Preventive vigilance regarding credible coercive signaling is fully consistent with the sovereign right of states to safeguard their territorial integrity and political independence.

Against this backdrop, Eritrea’s concerns regarding Ethiopia’s increasingly assertive discourse on Red Sea access are neither irrational nor propagandistic. Senior Prosperity Party (PP) officials, including Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, have repeatedly framed maritime access in existential and revisionist terms, invoking notions of “historical rights,” “natural entitlement,” and strategic inevitability. #Ethiopia|n political discourse surrounding Red Sea access has at times gone even further, with prominent figures openly declaring that Ethiopia would obtain maritime access “peacefully if possible and militarily if necessary.”

This rhetoric has not emerged in isolation. It has been accompanied by a broader climate of increasingly normalized irredentist discourse on Ethiopian social and political media platforms, including circulation of altered maps depicting Assab and portions of sovereign Eritrean territory as part of Ethiopia. Independent fact-checking organizations documented multiple instances in which maps were digitally manipulated to incorporate Assab into Ethiopian territory amid heightened public debate surrounding #RedSea access.

Equally troubling were images and videos circulated from military-linked events and social media accounts showing #Ethiopia|n military figures displaying maps incorporating portions of southern #Eritrea into #Ethiopia during public ceremonies associated with special forces mobilization and nationalist messaging. Whether officially sanctioned or not, the widespread dissemination of such imagery contributed to a political environment in which revisionist territorial narratives increasingly entered mainstream discourse.

Taken together, these developments cannot reasonably be dismissed as harmless nationalist symbolism. In a region with a long history of interstate war, contested borders, and unresolved territorial grievances, such rhetoric and imagery carry legal and security implications that responsible states are entitled to take seriously under the precautionary logic embedded within Article 2(4) of the @UN Charter.

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed himself publicly characterized Red Sea access as an existential issue for Ethiopia and suggested that the matter could not remain unresolved indefinitely. International media and regional analysts increasingly warned that such rhetoric, combined with military mobilization and nationalist agitation surrounding Assab, risked contributing to renewed regional instability and fears of interstate confrontation.

The 2024 Memorandum of Understanding between Ethiopia and #Somaliland further heightened tensions, particularly as Somalia formally rejected the arrangement as an infringement upon its sovereignty and territorial integrity. These developments underscore precisely why questions of maritime access in the Horn cannot be divorced from wider legal and security considerations.

Equally problematic is the article’s selective treatment of the 1998–2000 Eritrea–Ethiopia border conflict.
Eritrea’s borders were not undefined or ambiguous constructs. They were established through the 1900, 1902, and 1908 treaties concluded between imperial Italy and imperial Ethiopia. These treaties formed the legal basis upon which the Eritrea–Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC), established under the Algiers Agreement, based its delimitation ruling.

Critically, the EEBC’s final and binding decision awarded Badme, the principal flashpoint and casus belli of the 1998–2000 conflict, unequivocally to #Eritrea. That fact is legally fundamental. It demonstrates that the territorial dispute centered on areas ultimately determined by the competent international arbitral body to fall within Eritrean sovereignty.

The article also misrepresents the role of the Eritrea–Ethiopia Claims Commission by implying that it definitively adjudicated the broader origins of the war. As legal scholars, including analyses published in the European Journal of International Law, have noted, the Claims Commission was not specifically mandated to comprehensively determine the origins of the conflict. The independent investigative mechanism envisaged under Article 3 of the Algiers Agreement for that purpose was never constituted.

Thus, no authoritative international process ever fully examined the broader antecedents of the conflict, including tensions arising from contested administration, local clashes, militia activity, mapping disputes, and allegations of encroachments into sovereign Eritrean territory during the 1990s, as well as the unprovoked assault by Ethiopian troops against an #Eritrean army unit in the Badme area on 5 May 1998. What was conclusively determined, however, was the territorial issue itself. And on that question, the #EEBC ruled in #Eritrea’s favor.

The defining legal and political crisis of the post-war period therefore was not Eritrea’s rejection of international law, but Ethiopia’s refusal, for nearly two decades, to implement a binding arbitral ruling it had expressly agreed would be “final and binding.” This remains one of the most consequential contradictions in discussions surrounding the rule of law in the Horn of Africa.

At stake was not merely a bilateral border dispute, but the integrity of international arbitration itself. If states may disregard binding arbitral rulings when politically inconvenient, the credibility of peaceful dispute resolution mechanisms under international law is fundamentally undermined.

The article’s treatment of the 2009 sanctions regime is similarly incomplete. From #Eritrea’s perspective, the sanctions imposed under United Nations Security Council Resolution 1907 emerged from a highly politicized process shaped by Ethiopia’s manipulation of #IGAD and the @AfricanUnion. The allegations underpinning the sanctions were strongly contested and were never established through an independent judicial process meeting accepted evidentiary standards.

For many Eritreans, the sanctions episode remains a troubling example of the instrumentalization of multilateral institutions for geopolitical purposes. Indeed, many #Africa|n observers viewed the process with deep discomfort, recognizing the damaging precedent of one #Africa|n state mobilizing punitive international measures against another amid contested allegations. The eventual lifting of sanctions in 2018 further underscored the fundamentally political nature of the process.

The article also presents Eritrea’s National Service Program in a highly reductionist manner. While external narratives often portray the program solely through a militarized lens, Eritrea’s national service system has long included substantial civic and developmental components. National Service graduates contribute across ministries, schools, colleges, hospitals, infrastructure projects, local administrations, and diplomatic missions abroad.

More importantly, the statutory 18-month duration of National Service was prolonged largely as a consequence of the prolonged no-war-no-peace environment and continued security threats emanating from unresolved tensions with successive Ethiopian governments.

At the same time, Ethiopia itself has, in recent years, undergone extensive military mobilization, major arms acquisitions, and repeated internal armed conflicts across multiple regions. Numerous international organizations, media investigations, and even #Ethiopian institutions have documented serious abuses in regions such as Amhara and Oromia, including extrajudicial killings, drone strikes affecting civilians, arbitrary detentions, mass displacement, and attacks on civilian infrastructure.

A balanced and credible analysis cannot selectively invoke human rights concerns only where they reinforce preferred geopolitical narratives while minimizing or contextualizing large-scale violence elsewhere.

More broadly, #Eritrea’s foreign policy has consistently emphasized sovereign equality, non-interference, regional ownership, and resistance to hegemonic arrangements in the Horn of Africa. #Eritrea’s invocation of sovereignty is not “camouflage”; it reflects the historical experience of a state that emerged from one of Africa’s longest liberation struggles and subsequently endured war, sanctions, prolonged territorial occupation, and sustained external pressure.

Regional integration and economic cooperation in the Horn are both necessary and achievable. Eritrea has never opposed negotiated frameworks for trade, connectivity, or maritime access grounded in mutual consent and international law. What Eritrea rejects, correctly, is the normalization of rhetoric implying that the strategic ambitions or demographic weight of larger states entitle them to exceptional arrangements at the expense of the sovereignty and security concerns of smaller neighbors.

Ultimately, the issue is not opposition to Ethiopia’s development. It is the insistence that all regional ambitions remain firmly anchored within the principles of international law: sovereign equality, territorial integrity, non-interference, pacta sunt servanda, and the prohibition against coercion enshrined in the Charter of the @UN.

As for future Eritrea–Ethiopia relations, or “settlement,” as the author characterizes it, prudence, realism, and historical experience counsel patience rather than premature and unrealistic optimism.

Genuine peace and stable relations between neighboring states cannot be manufactured through diplomatic slogans, external pressure, or intellectual wishful thinking. They must emerge organically, gradually, and on the basis of mutual respect, consistency, reciprocity, and trust built over time.

Lasting peace cannot be rushed, especially after the considerable goodwill and historic opportunity extended in 2018 were ultimately undermined by a leadership in Ethiopia that failed to consolidate reconciliation internally, regionally, and institutionally. Sustainable peace in the Horn of Africa will require seriousness, strategic patience, and above all, an #Ethiopia that is first at peace with itself.

[Yemane G. Meskel 🇪🇷 @hawelti]

Excellent Read - #Eritrea’s Religious Harmony: A Millennium of Coexistence
by Dr. Tsegai Medin

*"...Eritrea’s religious landscape is defined by a deep-seated tradition of coexistence that predates many modern concepts of secularism or tolerance. For over a millennium, the country has served as a sanctuary where different faiths do not merely ‘tolerate’ one another but exist in organic harmony. The country is home to some of the most significant early religious landmarks in the Horn of Africa. This unique identity is anchored in a history that saw the birth of major world religions and their peaceful arrival on the Red Sea coast".

*"...In a modern world often divided by religious sectarianism and conflict, Eritrea stands as a unique example of tolerance. It is common to see mosques and churches - built side by side in the same villages - and religious holidays are frequently celebrated by Christians and Muslims together".

*"...Since the 7th century, this land has served as a sanctuary for diverse congregations. Today, this tradition of harmony is more than just a social norm - it is a defining characteristic of the Eritrean national identity".

[Yemane G. Meskel 🇪🇷 @hawelti]

Excellent Read- #Eritrea: Heritage and Society; by Dr. Tsegai Medin

*"...To speak of Eritrea is to speak of a land where history is etched into every mountain pass and where the air carries the scent of frankincense and the echoes of ancient civilizations. Eritrea’s cultural heritage is not just a collection of artifacts; it is a testament to resilience, diversity, and an unbreakable bond of society with the land".

*"...We hold our historic and cultural environments in high regard because they inspire passion, curiosity, and fascination. This appreciation arises from the remarkable history of our society and the deep emotional connection we feel toward it, helping us understand our place in the world and fostering a sense of belonging and attachment to these places".
https://t.co/RgFk6HPaj6

[Yemane G. Meskel 🇪🇷 @hawelti]

World Tuberculosis Day commemorated in Asmara today under the theme: "Yes! We Can End TB! Led by Countries, Powered by Communities, we reaffirm our collective commitment to ending TB as a public health threat".

Opening Remarks by Dr. Araia Berhane, Director of CDC at the MoH; and, Dr. Mary Stephen, the WHO Country Representative.

Event also featured Presentation on Global and Current Situation as well as Panel Discussion on Different Topics of Tuberculosis.

Dr. Araia underlined MOH's operational strategy and ongoing efforts for the elimination of TB by 2030 throughout the nation.

The WHO Res. Rep. attested to "great progress that Eritrea has made towards ending TB with steady TB notification rate at 87%, 100% treatment enrollment, and 90% success rate for all forms of TB and 81% for MDR-TB. Mortality has also decreased from 8.5 to 3.4 per 100,000 population in 2024".

[Yemane G. Meskel 🇪🇷 @hawelti]

OPINTION AND ANALYSIS

International Women’s Day 2026: Eritrean Women and Leadership Across Generations

By Nahla Valji, UN Resident Coordinator in Eritrea

*"...Eritrea’s history demonstrates clearly that women are central to national resilience. Their participation during the liberation struggle reflected a principle later affirmed globally through Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security: sustainable peace requires women’s full and meaningful participation".

*"...As UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator, I have had the privilege of meeting women who carried Eritrea through conflict and women now shaping its future. The continuity with the past and the resilience and strength derived from it are unmistakable".
https://t.co/zhGekT6Vmd

[sarah @sahouraxo]

Spain’s Ione Belarra:

“The US and Israel are terrorist states sowing terror both within and beyond their borders.

They are the greatest threat to humanity.

Spain must leave NATO now — break the criminal alliance that makes us accomplices in the worst crimes against humanity.”

[Berhane @EmbassyEritrea]

Today H.E. Osman Saleh, Foreign Minister of #Eritrea, met with Massad Fares Boulos, @US_SrAdvisorAF #US Senior Advisor for African Affairs to President Donald J. Trump @POTUS , to discuss avenues for renewed engagement between the two nations.

The high-level meeting, held on the margins of the 80th Session of the @UN general Assembly in New York, reflects a mutual interest in exploring opportunities for partnership. Both sides emphasized the importance of constructive engagement, dialogue, and collaboration on regional stability, security, and economic development.

H.E. Osman Saleh underscored #Eritrea’s readiness to engage in meaningful discussions that respect national sovereignty while exploring areas of common interest, particularly in the Horn
of Africa, the Nile Basin and the Red Sea.

Minister Osman Saleh re-iterated #Eritrea’s commitment to regional peace and sustainable development and welcomed the opportunity to assess potential avenues for cooperation with the #UnitedStates .

Mr. Massad Fares Boulos highlighted the United States’ interest in fostering dialogue and understanding in a region vital to international trade, security, and counterterrorism efforts. This engagement could pave the way for a new chapter in U.S. - Eritrea relations, potentially opening doors for dialogue on trade, investment, infrastructure, transportation, communication and security partnerships, while addressing longstanding concerns in a constructive framework.

The meeting concluded with both parties agreeing to continue exchanges in the coming months, signaling a cautious but hopeful start to renewed bilateral relations.

#EritreaPrevails

[Ghideon Musa @GhideonMusa]

Eritrea: An Oasis of Peace in the “Horn of Crisis”
by Hadnet Keleta @hadnetkeleta
Red Sea Beacon. @RedSeaBeacon

**...In a region where instability is often explained away as fate, #Eritrea offers an uncomfortable counterexample: that peace is not bestowed by geography, donors, or global goodwill, but constructed through governance, restraint, and collective responsibility. This does not mean Eritrea is without challenges. It means that its foundations are intentional.

**...The Horn of Africa has no shortage of crises. What it lacks are models of discipline, cohesion, and national ownership. Eritrea’s experience does not ask to be romanticized, but it does demand to be understood. In a neighborhood defined by fragmentation, it stands as proof that stability is not a miracle. It is a decision, and one that must be defended daily.
https://t.co/yNadEYMwmq

[Embassy of the State of Eritrea in Switzerland @EriEmbassySwiss]

Mr. Habtom Zerai, Chargé d’Affaires of the Embassy and Permanent Mission of the State of Eritrea to the UN, met today with Mr. Joachim Kercan, Minister and Deputy Head of the Sub-Saharan African Division at the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs. The meeting focused on bilateral and regional issues. Ms. Semhar Tesfai of the Embassy and Ms. Nadja Micael of the Permanent Mission also attended the meeting.

[Yemane G. Meskel 🇪🇷 @hawelti]

#Congrats to All!

Eventful Weekend - Bini sprints to Second Place in final stage of Boucles de la Mayenne while same result and White Jersey for Milkiyas at final stage of Tour de Azerbaijan; stellar win for athlete Simon at 5000m Race in Nice; & Premier League Oracle Award for Alexander Isak!

[Red Sea Beacon @RedSeaBeacon]

OPERATION FENKIL: THE BEGINNING OF THE END FOR ETHIOPIAN OCCUPATION IN ERITREA

On February 10, 1990, Operation Fenkil delivered a crushing blow to Ethiopia’s military occupation, liberating the strategic port city of Massawa and setting the stage for Eritrea’s final victory. Just over a year later, on May 24, 1991, Eritrea would achieve total independence, permanently breaking free from Ethiopia’s illegal annexation.

Read more: https://t.co/uWyAaLfFjA by Adulytes, from (February 8, 2025).

#Eritrea #Ethiopia #Sudan #Somalia #Egypt @hawelti @shabait @EmbassyEritrea @hadnetkeleta @SirakBahlbi @Ghidewon @DahlaKib @Yehdavid @GhideonMusa @globalezra @AlulaFre @Petros69696148 @hagerawiDihnet @PMEthiopia @MFAEthiopia @MofaSudan @MOFASomalia @MfaEGYPT @_AfricanUnion @StateDept @AJEnglish @BBCWorld @AFP @TheEconomist @thenation @PressTV @Telegraph, @nytimes, @UN, @dwnews, @tesfanews

[Yemane G. Meskel 🇪🇷 @hawelti]

Profile Q & A - Preserving Heritage: The Mission and Vision of #Eritrea’s National Museum; by Kidane Shimendi

*"...The Eritrean National Museum was officially inaugurated in 1992. It began through the efforts of a handful of artists from the revolutionary struggle and has since grown to include many young college graduates. The museum is organized chronologically, with sections covering Paleontology, Archaeology, Historical and Medieval periods, Ethnography, Colonial History, and a gallery dedicated to paintings of EPLF fighters from the long struggle for independence".

*"...Although Eritrean archaeology’s full potential is not yet realized, initiatives are underway through the interpretation of excavated materials displayed here. One of our main objectives is to rectify and recuperate Eritrean history—especially ancient history—by studying dated artifacts, ethnographic materials, and oral histories. In short, researchers from the Museum, along with other experts, are striving to reconstruct an authentic Eritrean history based on scientific archaeological evidence".
https://t.co/Slnoybmtoj

[Yemane G. Meskel 🇪🇷 @hawelti]

Good Read - #Eritrea: Scaling Water Security; by Bana Negusse

*"...Eritrea established a comprehensive legal and policy framework to guide water management from the outset. Beginning in 1997 and revised in 2007, the Water Policy, Water Law, Water Sector Institutional Framework, and related Water Sector for Human Development documents, are grounded on the principles of Integrated Water Resources Management".

*"...The results over the past three decades have been striking. At independence in 1991, only 13 percent of the population had access to clean and safe water. Today, nationwide coverage exceeds 85 percent. Urban access has increased from 30 percent to over 92 percent, while rural coverage has expanded from just 7 percent to nearly 80 percent – a powerful reflection of the country’s commitment to leaving no one behind".

*"...At the heart of this progress lies a sustained expansion of water infrastructure. At independence, Eritrea had only 138 dams and ponds. Today, the number exceeds 800, significantly enhancing water storage capacity and distribution".

*"...Looking ahead, Eritrea remains firmly committed to strengthening efficiency and climate resilience in its water sector. Agriculture, the largest consumer of freshwater, is undergoing a gradual transition from traditional furrow irrigation to modern pressurized systems that reduce waste and improve productivity. Aging pipelines are being replaced to minimize losses and extend services to underserved areas. Equally important is environmental stewardship: investments in reforestation, watershed management, and ecosystem protection help safeguard the natural systems on which water availability depends".

https://t.co/PgBxmfHH1X