My client @Ennis_El is very disappointed w/ the reception your MiFi and I'll be requesting for it to be cancelled because it's not connecting well with the servers as I was told by your agents; trying to make a call and it's telling me I'm not connected to internet
#AskThree
@Utilitywaremal; mobile data has turned off since 2hrs now and wouldn't come back on despite a phone restart?
Can you advise, pleasee.
Thank you.
#AskUW
@TPEassist@ERGOTravelIns Don't know how I'm only realising this reply now. How do I make a claim?
I paid the insurance element and it took me forever to not hear back from them.
As mentioned 🔝, due to #cancelledtrain had to take #uber make my connection back home.
#AskTPEcustomerAssist
@trainpal_go
Need to speak to someone urgently bought tkts for 01/02/26, now reviewing tkts on the email it's saying 2nd of February.
The app is not allowing me to choose an option to speak to somebody
I need someone urgently please.
Thank you.
#AskTrainaPal#TravelTIPs101™
This is Dresden Germany in WW2.
Were the allies guilty of war crimes?
No. Germany and Japan started the war and the allies finished it.
Hamas could have surrendered and given up the hostages over a year ago, but they kept hiding behind civilians in their tunnels and hospitals
Israel had a lower civilian to combatant kill ratio than the allies in WW2.
To all those crying "Genocide" regarding Gaza, first of all the facts show you are wrong. Second, Hamas/Hezbollah/Houthis (proxies of Iran) and Iran itself tried to genocide Israel and failed. They started the war and Israel, the US and the other middle eastern countries against Iran and it's proxies ended it
Your moral equivalence is abhorrent.
The Israelis who were taken hostage were totally innocent.
Here are the palestinians who were released:
•Imad Qawasmeh, 52 (Hamas) – convicted for the 2004 Beersheva bus bombing that killed 16 Israelis
•Qassem Aref Khalil al-Asafreh, 36 (Hamas) – involved in 2019 stabbing murder of yeshivah student Dvir Sorek
•Muhammad Aref Samhan, 55 (Fatah/Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades) – responsible for 2003 Jerusalem bus bombing killing 23
•Ibrahim Muhammad al-Raai, 46 (Fatah/Tanzim) – responsible for 2006 Nablus bombing and multiple shooting attacks
•Rashid Mahmoud Omar, 48 (Fatah) – convicted of murder of a Palestinian collaborator
•Raad Abd al-Aziz, 45 (Fatah) – convicted of murder, attempted murder, and weapons offenses
•Omar Mahmoud Bassis, 60 (Palestinian Islamic Jihad) – responsible for explosives attacks during Second Intifada
•Arafat Hamid Zir, 43 (Islamic Jihad) – convicted of aiding and inciting murder
•Faisal Mahmoud Abdullah Khalifa, 43 (Hamas) – jailed since December 2024 for weapons and conspiracy offenses
•Firas Sadiq Muhammad Ghanem, 51 (Fatah/Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades) – responsible for attacks causing 9 Israeli deaths
•Ibrahim al-Hani, 54 (Popular Front) – involved in Second Intifada attacks
•Ibrahim al-Qam, 53 (Popular Front) – serving two life sentences; deported
•Atiyah Abu Samhadana, 56 (Fatah) – veteran Rafah operative; sentenced 30 years, ending now
•Iyad Muhammad Abu al-Rub, 51 (Palestinian Islamic Jihad) – senior PIJ commander in Jenin
•Alaa al-Din al-Karki, 52 (Hamas) – jailed since 1993 for multiple attacks
The 1700 who were being “held without charges” were detained after Oct 7th during wartime for direct or indirect terrorist militant activity.
Many of these prisoners will kill again as soon as they get the opportunity.
Info via @JoelWBerry
Palestinian Rejectionism, Not Statehood, Fuels the Conflict
Several European countries, led by France, are expected to formally recognize a Palestinian state at the United Nations in New York. Their leaders justify the move by claiming it will advance peace in the Middle East, based on the assumption that the absence of Palestinian statehood is the core of the conflict. Once that gap is filled, they seem to believe, peace will follow.
But they are wrong.
If the establishment of a Palestinian state were truly the crux of the problem, such a state could have been created decades ago. The idea of partitioning the land into a Jewish and an Arab state has been on the table for nearly ninety years. Each time, however, the Palestinian Arab leadership rejected it - whenever acceptance meant acknowledging Jewish sovereignty in part of the land.
This rejectionism dates back to 1937, when Britain’s Peel Commission proposed a small Jewish state proportionate to the Jewish share of the population at the time. It continued in November 1947, when the United Nations voted to end the British Mandate and establish two states. And it carried into the 21st century, when the Palestinians walked away from two unprecedented offers of statehood.
In 2000, President Bill Clinton proposed a Palestinian state encompassing almost the entire West Bank and Gaza Strip, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Eight years later, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert went further, offering nearly 100 percent of the territory, the removal of Israeli settlements, and shared sovereignty over Jerusalem’s holy basin. Both proposals were rejected.
If the Palestinians truly wanted a state alongside Israel, they would have seized these opportunities. The fact that they did not raises a deeper question: what is this conflict really about?
The British foreign secretary Ernest Bevin offered the clearest diagnosis in 1947. "For the Jews," he observed, "the essential point of principle is the creation of a sovereign Jewish state. For the Arabs, the essential point of principle is to resist to the last the establishment of Jewish sovereignty in any part of Palestine." His words remain accurate nearly eight decades later.
At its core, Palestinianism has never been about achieving self-determination in part of the land, but about preventing Jewish sovereignty in any of it. To Palestinian Arabs, Israel is not the homeland of the Jewish people but an alien colonial implant. Like the French in Algeria, the Jews are cast as foreigners who must ultimately leave. At best, Jews might be tolerated as a religious minority under Muslim rule - but never as a nation entitled to self-determination.
That worldview collides directly with Israel’s raison d’être: the right of the Jewish people to national self-determination in their historic homeland. The conflict therefore persists not because Palestinians lack a state, but because they continue to deny the legitimacy of the Jewish one.
Nowhere is this clearer than in the so-called refugee issue. Unlike any other refugee population, the descendants of Palestinians who fled in 1948 are still labeled as "refugees" by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), a unique institution established solely for them. Today, UNRWA counts over six million such “refugees,” while Palestinian leaders themselves speak of eight to nine million. Their demand is that all of them - children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren of the original refugees - possess an individual "right of return" to homes inside Israel.
This demand, if realized, would not mean coexistence but the dissolution of Israel as a Jewish state. With eight million Jews and two million Arab citizens, Israel would simply be demographically erased by the influx of millions more Palestinians. That is precisely the intention.
Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas made this point unmistakably in 2008. When Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice presented him with Olmert’s sweeping proposal for statehood, Abbas asked: "And what shall I tell the four million refugees?" His answer revealed the truth: no matter how generous the territorial offer, Palestinians would not accept statehood if it meant abandoning the demand to "return" millions into Israel.
That consistency tells us everything we need to know. Palestinianism has never wavered in its ultimate goal: not compromise with Israel, but the elimination of Israel. Even when professing to pursue diplomacy, Palestinian leaders insist on the "right of return" - a coded phrase for undoing the Jewish state.
As long as the Palestinians do not change their attitude toward the Jewish state, the creation of a Palestinian state will not advance peace - it will push it further away. Such a state would serve as a launching pad for sharper, more extensive attacks on Israel.
Western leaders who now rush to recognize Palestinian statehood in New York misunderstand this fundamental point. By doing so, they are not promoting peace but rewarding rejectionism. They are reinforcing the illusion that the absence of a Palestinian state is the root of the conflict, when in fact it is the refusal to accept a Jewish one.
Progress can only begin once the Palestinians abandon the dream of erasing Israel. Until that shift occurs, diplomatic gestures in New York will not bring peace any closer.
It was still dark, November 20, 2013 when the ambulance left Gaza through the Erez Crossing.
Inside was a baby girl, barely one year old, her chest rising in fragile rhythm under the oxygen mask. Her mother sat beside her, silent, clutching a small blanket. The driver said the destination softly, almost apologetically: Schneider Children’s Medical Center, Petach Tikva - inside Israel.
The Israeli doctors didn’t ask who she was. They simply began to work - tubes, machines, monitors. The baby’s infection had spread too far. For a few days, they tried everything. Then she was sent back home, still breathing, but fading fast. She died not long after.
Seven months later, June 3, 2014, another ambulance crossed that same checkpoint - this time carrying an elderly woman, weak and pale, headed for a Jerusalem oncology ward.
Four months after that, October 19, 2014, yet another woman was taken in through Ichilov Hospital in Tel Aviv, rushed into intensive care after a surgical complication.
Each case, quiet, discreet - handled by Israeli doctors, coordinated through Israeli channels, and permitted despite the risks.
Three medical rescues. Three acts of mercy.
And every one of those patients belonged to the same family: the family of Ismail Haniyeh, the leader of Hamas.
Yes - the same man whose organization was firing rockets at those very cities while his loved ones were being treated in their hospitals.
We all know stories like this in Gaza - whispered, denied, but never forgotten. The same people who condemn Israel in speeches will secretly call Israeli coordinators when their relatives fall sick. And the same society that depends on that help will mock anyone who admits gratitude.
It’s not just hypocrisy. It’s identity confusion - a culture that fears honesty more than hunger.
From childhood, we’re taught that aid from Israel is humiliation, and that violence redeems it.
So when we receive medicine or electricity, we must repay it with anger to prove we haven’t betrayed “the cause.”
Our leaders understand this perfectly: guilt keeps the people obedient. As long as we’re torn between needing Israel and hating it, they stay in power.
The West calls these stories “exceptions.” They’re not.
They are the rule - a system built on contradiction, where the same movement that sends its daughters to Tel Aviv for treatment sends rockets to destroy Tel Aviv the next day. We have normalized madness.
Our freedom won’t begin with revenge. It will begin with truth.
When we can finally say, without fear, that an Israeli doctor tried to save a Palestinian child, and that this does not make us weak or ashamed, we’ll start to heal.
Because dignity is not found in death or denial - it’s in the courage to face our own reflection.
As a Palestinian who refuses to parrot our leadership’s lies, I have to say it bluntly: Telling Mizrahi Jews - Jews from Iraq, Yemen, Egypt, Morocco, Syria, and the rest of the Arab world, that they are doing “ethnic cleansing” to us is the gaslight of the century.
Let’s start with facts. Mizrahi Jews didn’t “come from Europe.” They lived in the Middle East for thousands of years, long before Islam, long before Arab conquest, long before any modern state. Their ancestors spoke the same ancient Hebrew mentioned in the Qur’an’s stories, they prayed facing Jerusalem, and their communities in Babylon, Damascus, and Sana’a existed for over 2,500 years. They are as indigenous to this region as the olive trees, as native to the Middle East as we are.
When Arab states turned against them in the 20th century, after Israel was established, they were ethnically cleansed: homes looted, businesses seized, citizenship revoked, synagogues burned, people lynched. Nearly a million Jews were expelled from Arab lands. Most fled to Israel with nothing.
And now, decades later, our leadership dares to call them the colonizers? The same families who were driven from Baghdad, Aleppo, and Tripoli - who rebuilt their lives from refugee camps in Israel, are accused of committing the same crime that was done to them. That’s not just hypocrisy; it’s historical amnesia.
If we truly want justice, we have to stop gaslighting our neighbors and start acknowledging that their story is Middle Eastern too.
Our liberation won’t come from denying theirs.
So here is Jacob, at the end of his life. Before him sits Joseph—his beloved son, who spent most of his life thinking he was another Esau. And once again, Jacob asks Esau for an oath.
But this time...it's an oath that binds this Esau—Joseph—to Jacob's own covenantal destiny. 48
"Esau said, 'I am about to die; of what use is a birthright to me?' Jacob said, Swear to me (hishava li) first. So he swore to him (va'yishava lo)" (25:32-33).
These were the fateful words that ultimately tore Jacob and Esau apart, and resulted in Esau's rejection. 47
Specifically, it uses the phrase "hishava li" (swear to me) followed by "va'yishava lo" (he swore to him).
Where else in the Bible do we encounter this combination?
Yep. There's literally only one other place...
The story of Esau selling Jacob his birthright. 46
Joseph agrees. That should've been the end of it. But instead we read: "And [Jacob] said [to Joseph]: 'Swear to me' (hishava li) and he swore to him (va'yishava lo)" (47:31).
Why does Jacob make Joseph swear?
Well, notice the verse repeats the Hebrew for "swear to..." twice 45
In that moment, Joseph realized he wasn't Esau after all.
Or more precisely, he realized that sometimes, just maybe...Esau can come home again.
How do I know? Consider Jacob's final talk with Joseph. In Gen 47, Jacob asks to be buried in the Promised Land, instead of Egypt. 44
Like, hadn't Judah just told him this?
But of course, this wasn't a rational question, prompted by cool logic.
It was the desperate, yet hopeful cry of a scared, battered child who thought his father had abandoned him...only to suddenly learn his father loved him all along. 43