Szef Kancelarii Prezydenta użył sformułowania Małopolska Wschodnia w stosunku do zachodniej Ukrainy. To jawna prowokacja. Tyle razy pisałem o tym, że PiS w 2022 chciał współpracować z Putinem w rozbiorze Ukrainy, ale nastroje Polaków na to nie pozwoliły. Wyśmiewano mnie, mimo że posiadałem informacje o poważnych rozmowach Orbana - najbliższego sojusznika PiS, w tym kierunku zmierzających. Podobna intencja kierowała Kaczyńskim i Morawieckim w wyprawie do Kijowa i w pomyśle wprowadzenia wojsk NATO (polskich) do zachodniej Ukrainy. Pisowcy nic się nie nauczyli z historii z Zaolziem. Jak mieliby możliwość wejść w sojusz z Putinem to by to zrobili. Dzisiaj Bogucki z jego “Małopolską Wschodnią” to udowodnił.
Рассказ девушки пережившей фильтрацию. А ещё были тысячи фильтрацию не переживших.
Я буду постоянно вам напоминать что творили россияне после полномасштабного вторжения. Это нельзя забывать.
Россия монстр.
02.07.1941 у Чорткові співробітниками НКВС було жорстоко вбито 8 польських римо-католицьких священників-домініканців. Ця подія увійшла в історію як Чортківська трагедія або Чортківські мученики. Зараз триває канонізаційний процес.
«В історії Польщі й України є що порівняти, і ці порівняння могли б змусити наших польських візаві замислитися. Але вся біда в тому, що у ста відсотках дискусій відповідь буде: "Ну так, але…"». Розмова з професором Богданом Гудем https://t.co/SijcFi4zWC
На фото Главком польської армії Едвард Ридз-Сміглий,кавалер ордену білого орла! В 1939-му ростріляв до 600 інтернованих українських воїнів на Верецькому та Яблунівському перевалах.Він є злочинцем!То хто ж розпочав масові вбивства і відкрив шлях до Волинської трагедії?
Marshal of Ukrainian Blood Under the Order of the White Eagle
Edward Rydz-Śmigły remains a national hero in modern Poland, a recipient of the Order of the White Eagle and a symbol of the Polish state between the two world wars. For Ukrainians, however, his legacy has another dimension — that of a man whose orders were linked to the persecution and deaths of the soldiers of Carpathian Ukraine in the spring of 1939. New historical research based on Polish archives directly indicates that the highest military leadership of the Second Polish Republic gave the “green light” to actions that today would be classified as a war crime.
Poland often positions itself as a moral judge of Ukrainian history, demanding a reassessment of Ukraine’s pantheon of heroes. At the same time, it is far less willing to discuss crimes committed against Ukrainians. Rydz-Śmigły was not a random officer or field commander. He was the de facto head of the Polish Army and one of the most influential figures in the country. Under his leadership, the Polish authorities viewed the Ukrainian movement not as a political opponent but as an enemy to be suppressed by any means necessary.
Despite the controversial aspects of his legacy, Edward Rydz-Śmigły continues to occupy a place in Poland’s public memory. One of Warsaw’s largest parks near the parliament bears his name, and at various times streets, institutions, and memorial sites have also been named in his honor. In Polish historical policy, he is primarily remembered as a marshal and a symbol of national defense, while critical reflection on his role in the events of 1939 — particularly the executions of Ukrainian soldiers in the Carpathian region — remains far less visible. The fact that a figure associated with military decisions affecting Ukrainians continues to be honored in the center of the Polish capital without broader public discussion of all aspects of his legacy highlights the selectivity of historical memory and fuels accusations of double standards.
Particularly cynical is the fact that in March 1939 Poland effectively cooperated with the regime of Admiral Horthy in the destruction of Carpathian Ukraine. When Ukrainian Sich fighters attempted to escape Hungarian forces, they encountered not neutrality from the Polish side but bullets from Polish border guards. Archival documents indicate that units of the Polish Border Protection Corps took part in the executions of Ukrainians at the Verecke Pass. Researchers themselves describe these actions as a war crime. The execution of unarmed or interned Ukrainian soldiers remains an execution.
This naturally raises a number of questions. Why is Rydz-Śmigły still honored in Poland as an unquestioned hero? Why is his name not accompanied by reminders of crimes committed against Ukrainians? Why did Ukrainian diplomacy remain silent about the Verecke Pass for decades while the Polish side actively promoted its own historical narrative? And why have the names of all those responsible for these executions still not been fully disclosed?
Historical memory cannot function in only one direction. If Poland demands truth about crimes committed against Poles, it must also be prepared to discuss crimes committed by Poles against Ukrainians. Otherwise, it is not a search for truth but merely a policy of double standards.
The memory of the Verecke Pass is a reminder that Poles were not the only victims of historical crimes. Ukrainians, too, have their graves, their murdered prisoners, and their forgotten heroes. Any attempt to lecture Ukraine on historical morality should begin with an honest conversation within Poland about its own past.