First Son.

@Tritop_17

humble Nobody is young before God

Kenya

Joined January 2020

129 Following

54 Followers

283 Posts

First Son. @Tritop_17

about 2 hours ago

@Dr_AustinOmondi Alikua ametoboa pande moja?

Tritop_17 retweeted

Kipkalya Kones

@MrKipkalya

1 day ago

Remember that one-term US Senator who became President of the great United States of America at 47 years of age, as a young, fresh-faced lawyer thought by many to be “inexperienced?” I was looking at his Senate record. It says he sponsored 148 bills, two of which became law. But if you thought the similarities between Obama and Sifuna are already uncanny, you should see some of the bills Obama sponsored (or cosponsored with other Senators). Take a look at just three; 1. The Federal Funding Accountability and Transparency Act 2006 – the object of which was to create a public database tracking federal grants, contracts, loans and financial assistance to reduce government waste, arrest opacity of financial transactions and stem fraud. 2. Democratic Republic of Congo Relief, Security and Democracy Promotion Act – the first federal law geared towards promoting peace, democracy and accountability following human rights abuses in the DRC. 3. Strengthening Transparency and Accountability in Federal Spending Act 2008 – which was aimed at tightening oversight and improving data quality of federal spending disclosures. They sound exactly like what Sifuna would do or has done in the Kenyan Senate. In Kenya, the process of sponsoring a bill is so difficult that most MPs actually leave without a single bill to their name. But the one-term Senator has already sponsored several, two of which have successfully gone through the Senate. 1. The Energy (Amendment) Bill, Senate Bills No. 42 of 2023 – the objective of which is to increase transparency in energy purchase agreements and lower the cost of electricity, by among others, disclosing details of energy purchase agreements, making such agreements subject to Article 201 of the constitution on accountability and public participation, as well as publishing the names of beneficial owners of independent power producers contracted by the state. 2. Sports (Amendment) Bill, Senate Bills No. 33 of 2024 – creates a ring-fenced County Sports Association Fund, to which every county government is compelled to remit at least 1% of all revenue, in order to grow grassroots sports and enhance their capacity to empower the youth. Proposed Bills (including bills retired to support those by other leaders serving similar interests); 3. Office of the County Printer Bill – intended to remove the reliance on the central Government Printer in Nairobi and give independence to county printer. 4. Basic Education (Amendment) Bill – intended to recognise informal educational institutions (APBET schools) in poor neighbourhoods, to align them with government capitation and support. Bill paused in support of a similar one by a Member of the National Assembly. 5. Police Integrity and Accountability Bill – proposed to enhance police evidence gathering and storage systems, record the treatment of suspects and create accountability for police actions in the field (to forestall cases like Albert Ojwang’s). Besides these, Senator Sifuna has proposed pro-people amendments to nearly every bill that has come to the floor. Now, let’s look at the other tools available to a Senator, including Motions, Petitions, Request for Statements and CS Questions. To compile a full list of what Sifuna has done using these tools would require two days of typing, but among the key issues he has prosecuted through these platforms are; 1. Restoration of grabbed public lands, among them the Tom Mboya Social Hall, Martin Luther Primary School, Kimathi Primary School and Visa Oshwal. Others are on course, like the grabbing of the College of Insurance land in South C. 2. At least six items touching solely on the welfare and wellbeing of police officers, including promotions, salaries, living conditions and deployment modalities. 3. At least four submissions on the welfare of staff, farmers, retirees and suppliers contracted to the struggling sugar companies in Nyanza and Western. 4. Motion to investigate and remedy congestion and dilapidated infrastructure in boarding schools across the country. 5. At least five submissions touching on the destruction of Kenya’s forests, water towers and other natural resources, including Mount Elgon National Park, the Nairobi National Park, Karura Forest, Ngong Forest and Uhuru Park. 6. An audit of the Kenyan mining sector, to address illegalities and human rights abuses in mines in the country. 7. Petition over Kenyans illegally recruited to fight for Russia in Ukraine. 8. Petition on the eviction of the Single Mothers Association of Kenya (SMAK) from their premises in Ziwani, Nairobi. 9. Medical cover challenges of both teachers and police officers. 10. The welfare of refugees dwelling in Kenya. 11. Water shortages in Taita Taveta County. 12. Status of several roads in the country. 13. The operational state of universities in the country. 14. The unfair labour practices and working conditions of staff of major supermarket chains in the country. 15. Electricity supply crises in many parts of the country. 16. The kidnap, deportation or torture of prominent Kenyans visiting the EAC bloc. 17. The dangerous rise of a goon culture facilitated by state apparatus. 18. Working conditions, pay and kitting of health workers, including nurses and community health promoters. 19. The welfare of sportspeople, encompassing all sports in the country. 20. The state of stalled projects and pending bills in Nairobi County. Additional to these are the publicly-visible oversight duties by Sifuna in the County Public Accounts Committee, which became legendary over fears by Governors with audit queries to appear before it while Sifuna was a member. Then of course there are his oversight blitzes over Nairobi health facilities, the Dishi na County project, the county’s disaster management systems and county expenditure systems. The success rate of his Senate pursuits, by my assessment, stands at about 94%. Even with this heavily summarised list, you can see that there is no Senator, since 2013, whose works have touched such a diverse population of Kenyans, and who has gone out of his way to push pro-people agenda like Sifuna has done. @makaumutua wouldn’t know, because while Sifuna was standing between police bullets and Kenyan youths to protect them from harm at Parliament buildings, Makau was recording Baba’s whereabouts for the state to track the enigma. We will be back soon with the ODM version of Sifuna’s achievements.

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Tritop_17 retweeted

Citizen TV Kenya

@citizentvkenya

over 1 year ago

Senator Edwin Sifuna: How can you re-elect Ruto to spite and punish the ‘mama mbogas’? Ruto is supporting Raila because he knows Kenyans love him. I will not vote for Ruto in 2027 even if Raila tells us to do so #CitizenDayBreak @TrevorOmbija

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Tritop_17 retweeted

BRAVIN YURI

@BravinYuri

4 days ago

Most of the crises we experience in this country can be traced, directly or indirectly, to one fundamental problem: our persistent failure to respect and enforce the Constitution and the law. When H.E. Edwin Watenya Sifuna speaks about restoring constitutionalism in Kenya, he is not merely talking about legal jargon, court battles or politicians quoting constitutional articles. He is talking about protecting human life, safeguarding public resources, restoring accountability and building a country where the law works for everyone, regardless of their wealth, political connections or position in society. Constitutionalism is not an abstract political concept. It is the difference between a child returning home safely from school and a family receiving news that a matatu carrying their loved one has been involved in a fatal accident. It is the difference between a family sleeping peacefully in their home and waking up to the horror of a collapsing building. It is the difference between a patient receiving treatment in a properly equipped public hospital and losing their life because funds meant for healthcare have been stolen or mismanaged. Consider road safety in Kenya. We have laws governing vehicle inspections, public service vehicle licensing, speed limits, drunk driving, driver qualifications and roadworthiness. Yet we continue to witness dangerous vehicles on our roads, overloaded matatus, reckless driving and vehicles operating with serious mechanical defects. Some operators would rather bribe their way past enforcement officers than comply with the law. Some officers would rather collect a few hundred shillings than do their jobs. Meanwhile, innocent passengers, pedestrians and other road users pay the ultimate price. A bribe collected at a roadblock today can become a funeral attended tomorrow. Consider buildings collapsing on the people who live and work in them. Kenya has laws and regulatory procedures governing construction approvals, structural integrity, inspections and professional standards. Yet some developers cut corners, build beyond approved plans, use substandard materials or proceed without meeting the necessary requirements. Sometimes, the very people entrusted with enforcing these regulations look the other way, whether through negligence, corruption or political interference. A developer saves money by ignoring the rules, an official benefits from looking away, and ordinary Kenyans are left buried beneath concrete and rubble. The tragedy is not always that we lack laws. Sometimes, it is that we have turned compliance into an option for those who can afford to circumvent it. Look at the flooding that repeatedly displaces families in our towns and cities. We build on riparian land, encroach on waterways, approve developments without adequate drainage infrastructure and allow garbage to block drainage systems. When the rains come, homes are submerged, businesses are destroyed and lives are lost. We then respond with emergency donations, political visits and promises, as though the disaster came without warning. The law exists to regulate development, protect waterways and guide urban planning. Why do we wait for people to lose their homes before remembering the importance of enforcement? Look at public hospitals. The Constitution recognises the right to the highest attainable standard of health. Public finance laws demand accountability for money collected from taxpayers. Procurement laws are meant to ensure public resources are used properly. Yet when funds disappear, essential medicines run out, equipment remains idle or patients are forced to buy supplies that should be available in public facilities, it is the ordinary Kenyan who suffers. A mother should not have to watch her child deteriorate or give birth on a pavement because somebody entrusted with public resources decided that personal enrichment was more important than human life. Look at education. We have laws and policies governing the allocation and management of public funds, the administration of schools and the provision of basic education. When money meant for classrooms, learning materials or school infrastructure is misappropriated, it is the child studying in an overcrowded classroom, sitting on a broken desk or learning in an unsafe building who pays the price. Corruption is never just a financial crime. It steals opportunities, undermines dignity and mortgages the future of an entire generation. Even the unemployment and economic hardship facing young Kenyans are connected to questions of constitutional governance. When public procurement is manipulated to benefit politically connected individuals, when public appointments disregard merit and when public resources are treated as the property of those in power, we undermine the fair opportunities that a functioning constitutional democracy should protect. Young people graduate, submit applications, attend interviews and remain unemployed, while others secure opportunities through connections rather than competence. In some instances, even assisted through forgery by those in power like the confession of Nominated Senator Karen Nyamu. The Constitution may not promise every Kenyan a job, but it establishes principles of equality, fairness, accountability and responsible governance that should guide how opportunities and public resources are managed. This is why constitutionalism matters. The Constitution is not a document that should only be remembered during elections, political rallies or when leaders want to justify their actions. It is the supreme law of the land. It binds everyone, including the President, Cabinet Secretaries, Members of Parliament, governors, county officials, police officers, businesspeople and ordinary citizens. And the rule of law means precisely that: nobody should be above the law, and nobody should be beneath its protection. We cannot continue to demand accountability from ordinary citizens while excusing powerful individuals who break the law. We cannot expect motorists to obey traffic regulations when enforcement can be negotiated with a bribe. We cannot expect developers to respect building standards when regulatory approvals can allegedly be bought. We cannot fight corruption while protecting those who facilitate it because they belong to our political side. A country cannot function properly when laws are strict for the poor but negotiable for the rich, when citizens are punished for minor offences while powerful people escape accountability for serious wrongdoing, or when public institutions serve the interests of individuals instead of the public. Restoring constitutionalism is therefore not simply about changing who occupies State House. It is about changing how the country is governed. It is about independent institutions, professional public service, accountable leadership, impartial law enforcement and citizens who understand that the Constitution belongs to them, not to the political class. When H.E. Edwin Watenya Sifuna calls for the restoration of constitutionalism, the message is simple: Kenya does not have to keep losing lives to problems that the law already provides mechanisms to prevent. We do not have to normalise corruption, excuse impunity or wait for tragedies before demanding accountability. Imagine a Kenya where a police officer refuses a bribe because enforcing the law matters more than personal gain. Where a building inspector shuts down an unsafe construction site before people die. Where public money reaches hospitals, schools and essential services. Where a developer knows that political connections cannot shield them from prosecution. Where a citizen can challenge the government without fear and obtain justice without having to know somebody influential. That Kenya is not an impossible dream. It is what constitutional governance is supposed to help us build. The painful truth is that many of the tragedies we mourn are preceded by warning signs, ignored regulations, compromised officials and institutions that fail to do what the law requires. We cannot undo every accident, prevent every disaster or eliminate every hardship. But we can prevent many avoidable deaths and reduce immense suffering by enforcing the laws we already have. Constitutionalism is not merely about protecting the Constitution from politicians. It is about protecting Kenyans from the consequences of lawlessness. When the law is ignored, the powerful often profit, but ordinary Kenyans pay with their money, their opportunities, their dignity and, far too often, their lives.

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