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Canada is having a difficult conversation with itself about its economic relationship with the United States.
Much of the current Canadian political narrative treats access to the American market almost as an acquired right. When an American administration talks about reshoring manufacturing, imposing tariffs or favouring American production, Canadians often frame the issue as an affront to Canadian sovereignty.
I think that fundamentally misunderstands how our industrial economy developed.
For much of the post-war period, Canada prospered by becoming an extraordinarily effective extension of the American industrial economy.
Southern Ontario did not independently develop an automotive ecosystem disconnected from Detroit. Windsor, Oshawa, Oakville, St. Thomas and communities throughout Southwestern Ontario became deeply integrated into an industrial machine whose centre of gravity was across the border in Michigan, Ohio and the broader American Midwest.
American manufacturers established Canadian factories and supply chains for many reasons: access to the Canadian market, tariff and content rules, exchange rates, labour economics, geographic proximity and, eventually, increasingly integrated North American trade.
Canada became exceptionally good at this.
We built cars, stamped metal, machined components, produced chemicals, assembled machinery and supplied American factories. Canadian companies also became enormously successful suppliers to that system. Magna is perhaps the greatest example of what could be built from Canada's position inside the North American automotive supply chain.
The 1965 Auto Pact accelerated that integration. Free trade in 1989 and NAFTA in 1994 took it much further.
But then something else happened.
Beginning in the late twentieth century and accelerating dramatically after 2000, North American manufacturing capacity increasingly moved offshore. China became a manufacturing superpower. Global supply chains replaced many domestic ones. American industrial communities lost factories and employment, while corporations discovered that enormous amounts of production could be sourced from lower-cost jurisdictions.
For decades, Canada operated within that globalization model while retaining extraordinarily favourable access to the world's largest consumer economy.
Now the United States is reconsidering the model.
Washington increasingly views industrial capacity as more than an economic issue. Semiconductors, steel, aluminum, automobiles, energy, pharmaceuticals, chemicals and critical minerals are being treated as matters of national security and strategic resilience.
That creates an uncomfortable question for Canada:
If the United States wants its industrial production back, on what basis does Canada believe that production belongs to us?
Imagine a manufacturer that has outsourced substantial production to a subcontractor for decades. The subcontractor builds its business around that work, invests in equipment, hires employees and becomes highly successful.
Then circumstances change. The manufacturer's own facilities have unused capacity and its own employees need work.
The subcontractor may understandably be unhappy when the manufacturer brings some of that production home. But the subcontractor cannot reasonably argue that decades of receiving the work created a permanent entitlement to it.
That, in simplified form, is the uncomfortable position Canada now faces.
This does not mean Canada lacks sovereignty. Quite the opposite. Canada is completely sovereign and has every right to establish whatever trade, industrial, environmental and foreign policies Canadians choose.
But sovereignty works both ways.
Canada has the sovereign right to determine its economic policy. The United States has the sovereign right to determine how much access foreign producers receive to the American market.
Those are two different questions.
Canada has also spent decades diversifying its trading relationships, including developing a substantial economic relationship with China. There are legitimate American concerns about transshipment, rules of origin, Chinese overcapacity and goods entering the United States through third countries. Canada should take those concerns seriously rather than simply assuming that our historical relationship exempts us from American scrutiny.
That does not mean every American tariff is justified, nor does it mean Canada should simply accept whatever Washington demands.
It means Canada needs to understand the leverage in the relationship.
Nearly 40 million Canadians live beside an economy of roughly 350 million people. Geography gave us extraordinary access to that market. Generations of Canadian workers and entrepreneurs then turned that geographical advantage into one of the world's most integrated cross-border industrial relationships.
But proximity is not ownership.
Our automotive plants, stamping companies, machine shops and parts manufacturers have succeeded because they are very good at what they do. They should compete aggressively to retain that business. Canada should make itself the most compelling place in North America to manufacture.
What we should not do is confuse historical integration with entitlement.
Instead of asking, "How can the Americans do this to us?" Canada should be asking a much harder question:
Why should an American manufacturer choose to put its next factory in Ontario rather than Michigan, Ohio, Indiana or Tennessee?
If our answer is productivity, engineering talent, energy, logistics, taxation, regulatory efficiency, currency advantage and a highly capable workforce, then Canada has a compelling case.
If our answer is simply that American companies have manufactured here for the last 70 years and therefore should continue doing so, we have a problem.
The old Canadian model depended heavily on being an exceptionally attractive extension of American industrial capacity.
America is now rebuilding that capacity at home.
Canada's challenge is not to demand that history stand still.
It is to make ourselves indispensable enough that, even when America has the choice to bring the work home, American companies still choose Canada.
@ronmortgageguy@StephenPunwasi@FoodProfessor
@LWillson_82 I thought Rourke didnt really answer the direct question by emphasizing that the CFL is built for speed not size, and larger bodies on a smaller surface is to the advantage of the team that is built for that purpose... but yah a CFL pro team would still take it easily.
Boxing, golf, baseball... transfering energy to the hands is built first on hip and then shoulder rotations. Source: I'm an animator by trade. Thanks for TED Talk blah blah jokes aside you can actually use this information for your golf game, tennis etc .. pick your thing...
I recorded the masterpiece that is Aaron Judge’s swing in super extreme slow motion. It’s Incredibly sound. His arms barely do anything. It’s all hip rotation and rearward snap of the barrel to accelerate it to contact. It’s beautiful.
@twitandrewking Under appreciated key selling feature for every dad in the 80's was you could easily fit several sheets of plywood into it, and since you bought one you obviously had a gaggle of kids to unload it.