dogochris

politics

[BBC News Africa @BBCAfrica]

Tanzanian teacher Mr Wakati Joseph went viral for wiping his pupils’ shoes and boosting their confidence. Beyond the viral video, he helps children with special needs discover their talents through music and crafts.

Produced & Edited: @BrianOsweta 📹 :@Eliza221Dominic

[Zwelinzima Vavi @Zwelinzima1]

Look carefully at these pictures.

On 30 June there will be no march to the mansions.

There will be no march to the luxury estates.

There will be no march to the golf courses.

There will be no march to the beachfront suburbs.

Migrants — documented or undocumented — living in those wealthy suburbs have nothing to fear.

Nobody will be knocking on their gates.

Nobody will be dragging them from their homes.

Nobody will be demanding to see their papers.

The rich will sleep peacefully on 29 June.

They will sleep peacefully on 30 June.

And they will wake up on 1 July exactly as they did before.

But in the townships and informal settlements there will be fear.

The targets will not be the rich.

The targets will be the poorest of the poor.

The migrant living in a shack.

The refugee running a spaza shop.

The domestic worker.

The gardener.

The security guard.

The construction worker.

The unemployed young person trying to survive.

And when it is all over:

No jobs will have been created.

No factory will have reopened.

No mine will have reopened.

No pothole will have been repaired.

No school still using pit toilets will have been fixed.

No hospital will have been repaired.

No clinic will have received more nurses.

No municipality will suddenly work.

No family will escape poverty.

No inequality will disappear.

The rich will remain rich.

The poor will remain poor.

And once again, the victims will be people living in shacks while those living behind high walls, electric fences and private security watch from a safe distance.

The anger is real.

The unemployment is real.

The poverty is real.

The inequality is real.

But the targets are wrong.

The poor are being mobilised against the poor while the real causes of the crisis remain untouched.

[Typical African @Joe__Bassey]

Moments in which Mallence Bart-Williams challenges the dominant narrative around Africa, poverty, and foreign aid.

[Lerato Pillay_🇿🇦💎🇿🇦💎 @LeratoPillayZAR]

Mr Merckley thank you for speaking facts about South Africa. Genocide hogwash debunked

[MJ👑 @iam__Jezreel]

If you don't know the purpose of a thing, you will abuse it.

Wow!! This just blew me up!!🔥
Too much wisdom📌📌📌

[Better Men @Better_men]

Word for the week… think about thoroughly and see if you can make meaning of it. Are we in a loop???

[Kentah Gwanjez @GWANJEZ]

What is racism?

[Better Men @Better_men]

The difference between me men and women😁 do you disagree??

[ISHMAEL 🏴‍☠️🇿🇦 @mr_shimmy]

Poor people Christianity vs Rich People Christianity… this lady really nailed it 🫱🏾‍🫲🏿

[New Direction AFRICA @Its_ereko]

How the colonization of Africa st@rted:

[Samuel Leeds @samuel_leeds]

I'm 34.

I have 7 streams of income, helping me make £1,000,000+ per month.

Most people reading this will only have 1.

So these 7 of my income streams and how you can replicate each one:

1. Hotels

[Chadema Tanzania @ChademaTZ2]

UJUMBE WA RAMBIRAMBI WA @TunduALissu KUFUATIA KIFO CHA MZEE EDWIN ISAAC MBILIEWI MTEI.

EDWIN MTEI:
MJENZI WA NCHI, KIONGOZI WA MFANO

Mheshimiwa Freeman Aikaeli Mbowe na wanafamilia wa marehemu Edwin Mtei,
Viongozi, wanachama na wafuasi wa Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA),
Ndugu wananchi, waombolezaji, mabibi na mabwana;

Nimepokea taarifa za kifo cha Mwenyekiti Mwanzilishi na Mwasisi wa Chama chetu, marehemu Edwin Isaac Mbiliewi Mtei kwa masikitiko makubwa. Katika hili nafikiri sitakosea nikisema kwamba siko peke yangu. Hata hivyo, naombeni mniruhusu niwape pole nyingi watoto, wajukuu, ndugu na wanafamilia wa marehemu Mzee Mtei. Salamu hizi za rambirambi zinawahusu pia viongozi, wanachama na wafuasi wote wa CHADEMA popote walipo katika nchi yetu na nje ya nchi. Aidha, Mzee Mtei alisimama katika mstari wa mbele kabisa katika harakati za ujenzi wa nchi yetu; kwa sababu hiyo, salamu hizi ziwafikie pia wananchi wote wa Tanzania katika ujumla wao.

Maandiko Matakatifu yanatufundisha katika Zaburi 90:10, kwamba “miaka ya kuishi ni sabini, au tukiwa wenye afya, themanini…” Mwenyezi Mungu alimbariki marehemu Mzee Mtei kwa kumpa ziada

ya miaka ishirini na nne (24) katika gawio lake la kawaida la miaka ya hapa duniani; na alimzidishia miaka kumi na minne katika nyongeza yake ya miaka kumi kwa wenye afya.
W.E.B Dubois, kiongozi wa harakati za ukombozi wa Waafrika duniani, aliandika katika kusherehekea miaka tisini ya kuzaliwa kwake kwamba “…kama kuishi hakukupi thamani, busara na maana ya maisha, basi hakuna sababu yoyote ile ya kuishi.”

Miaka tisini na nne (94) ya maisha ya marehemu Mzee Mtei yalitupa thamani kubwa, yalijaa busara tele na yalikuwa na maana kubwa. Naomba nikope maneno ya Amiri bin Sudi, au kwa jina lake maarufu ‘Andanenga’, mtenzi na mshairi maarufu wa Kiswahili, pale aliposema: Mzee Mtei …. “alisheheni sifa nyingi sana, njema zisizo idadi, za marefu na mapana, hazipimiki kwa yadi, ilobaki sisi kushindana, dua tumuombe wadudi, ampokee Baba yetu, kwa fukisho la ubani, udi na uvumba.”

Ndugu Waombolezaji,

Marehemu Mzee Mtei alikuwa mmojawapo wa wajenzi wakuu wa misingi mikuu ya kiuchumi ya nchi yetu, hasa katika miongo miwili ya mwanzo ya Uhuru. Alikuwa mmojawapo wa wasomi mahiri wa kwanza katika fani ya uchumi wa mara baada ya Uhuru. Kwa sababu ya umahiri wake, haikuwa ajabu kwamba pale wakuu wa nchi za Afrika Mashariki walipoamua kuvunja iliyokuwa Bodi ya Sarafu ya Afrika Mashariki, na kila nchi kuanzisha Benki Kuu yake, Edwin

Mtei aliteuliwa kuwa Gavana Mteule, hata kabla Benki Kuu yenyewe haijaanzishwa rasmi. Kwa vyovyote vile itakavyokuwa, jina la Edwin Isaac Mbiliewi Mtei litahusishwa milele na Benki Kuu ya Tanzania; jina na saini yake yalikuwa kwenye noti za kwanza kabisa kutolewa na Benki Kuu ya Tanzania kati ya mwaka 1966 na 1974; na kati ya mwaka 1978 na 1981 alipokuwa Waziri wa Fedha wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania.

Kwa nafasi yake ya Gavana wa Benki Kuu na baadae Waziri wa Fedha, Mzee Mtei alikuwa mmoja wa washiriki wakuu katika kutunga na kutekeleza sera za kiuchumi za serikali ya Mwalimu Nyerere. Historia halisi ya nchi yetu haiwezi kumtenganisha Mzee Mtei na Azimio la Arusha lililopelekea utaifishaji wa mali za makampuni na mashirika binafsi na kuanzishwa kwa mfumo wa serikali kuhodhi njia zote muhimu za uchumi, yote yakifanywa kwa jina la Ujamaa na Kujitegemea. Na wala historia ya kweli ya nchi yetu haiwezi kumtenganisha Mzee Mtei na kushindwa kwa sera hizo kuanzia miaka ya mwisho ya sabini. Alikuwa ‘jikoni’ wakati sera hizo zinaandaliwa; na alikuwa mmoja wa ‘wapishi’!

Heshima yake kuu, na mchango wake kuhusu suala hili ambalo historia ya nchi yetu itauenzi milele ni huu; Mzee Mtei hakunyamaza mara alipogundua kwamba sera za kiuchumi za serikali yake, sera alizoshiriki kuzitunga na kuzisimamia hazitekelezeki tena. Mzee Mtei alimkabili Mwalimu na kumweleza ukweli wake; kwamba sera za kiuchumi za Azimio la Arusha zilikuwa zimeshindikana kutekelezwa; akamshauri Mwalimu kubadili msimamo wake ili kwenda
sambamba na mahitaji ya nyakati na hali halisi ya uchumi wa kimataifa.

Hili halikuwa jambo jepesi. Mwaka ambao Mzee Mtei aliteuliwa kuwa Waziri wa Fedha, Mwalimu alisema katika mahojiano na BBC kwamba, alikuwa na madaraka, kwa mujibu wa Katiba na Sheria za nchi yetu, ya kuwa Dikteta kama angetaka! Mfumo wa Kikatiba na kiutawala wa aina hii sio tu ulimgeuza Rais kuwa Mungu mtu, bali pia ulitengeneza mazingira mazuri ya ‘uchawa’ miongoni mwa viongozi na watendaji wa serikali na chama pekee cha siasa cha wajati huo, yaani TANU na baadaye CCM. Baadhi yenu mtakumbuka salamu rasmi za kisiasa za miaka hiyo; ‘Zidumu Fikra za Mwenyekiti wa CCM!’ Mzee Mtei alikuwa na ujasiri wa kumweleza Mwalimu, kwa heshima zote, kwamba fikra zake za kiuchumi zilikuwa zimefeli; hazikupaswa kuendelea kudumishwa!

Kwa ujasiri huo huo, marehemu Mzee Mtei aliwajibika kwa kujiuzulu nafasi pale Mwalimu alipomkatalia ushauri wake huo. Alikuwa na uadilifu wa kuona kwamba haikuwa sahihi kwake kuendelea kutumikia nchi yetu katika masuala ambayo msimamo wake ulikuwa tofauti na msimamo wa Kiongozi Mkuu wa Serikali yake. Leo hii, kwa jinsi ambavyo ‘uchawa’ kwa Rais umekuwa ni donda ndugu na umekithiri katika ngazi zote za utumishi wa umma na hata katika sekta binafsi, tunaweza kupima kiwango cha juu cha ujasiri wa Mzee Mtei na uzalendo wake kwa nchi yetu. Itoshe tu kusema, kama nyongeza, kwamba yale yote ambayo Mzee Mtei aliyapendekeza kwa Mwalimu na yakakataliwa, yalikubaliwa na kuanza kutekelezwa

Miaka miwili tu baada ya Mzee Mtei kulazimika kujiuzulu nafasi yake ya Waziri wa Fedha! Kwa maneno mengine, ukweli wa msimamo wake ulithibitishwa kwa vitendo, licha ya yeye mwenyewe kulazimika kuwa nje ya Serikali. Kwangu mimi, hii ndio thamani na maana kubwa ya maisha marefu ya Mzee Edwin Mtei.

Ndugu Waombolezaji,

Mzee Edwin Mtei alikuwa mjenzi wa demokrasia ya vyama vingi katika nchi yetu. Na kwenye hili, kama ilivyokuwa hulka yake, aliongoza kwa mfano na kwa vitendo. Alikuwa mmoja wa Waasisi na Mwenyekiti Mwanzilishi wa CHADEMA. Leo hii, CHADEMA ndio chama kikuu cha siasa katika nchi yetu; sio CCM, kwa sababu CCM ni chama-dola, sio chama cha siasa kinachoishi kwa ridhaa na mapenzi ya wananchi na wanachama wake. CHADEMA, chama cha Edwin Isaac Mbiliewi Mtei, kinaishi kwa ridhaa na mapenzi ya mamilioni ya Watanzania kwa sababu Mzee Mtei alitufundisha kuwa utumishi wa kisiasa sio biashara au mahali pa kujipatia fedha au vyeo, bali ni huduma na utumishi kwa wananchi.

Kama Mwenyektii Mwanzilishi, Mzee Mtei hakuwahi kupokea mshahara au posho yoyote kutoka kwa Chama. Hakuwahi kupatiwa gari au usafiri wa Chama; na wala hakuwahi kuwa diwani au mbunge wa CHADEMA. Hakuwahi kutumia uongozi wake wa Chama kujinufaisha yeye binafsi au watoto wake au ndugu na marafiki zake. Kwa Edwin Mtei uongozi ulikuwa ni dhamana, sio fursa. Alitumia

Muda wake, na mali zake na nguvu zake kukijenga Chama na kuwatumikia wanachama na wananchi wake. Na hii ndio thamani nyingine kubwa na maana muhimu ya maisha marefu ya Mzee Edwin Mtei. Thamani hii na maana hii ya maisha yake imejidhihirisha wazi katika miaka hii kumi ambapo Chama chetu, viongozi wake, wanachama na wafuasi wake tumepitishwa katika bonde la uvuli wa mauti mara kwa mara. Tumeumizwa sana, lakini tumeimarishwa sana pia, kwa sababu ya mfano wa utumishi na kujitolea aliotuwekea Mzee Edwin Mtei. Na kwa mfano huo tutashinda.

Ndugu Waombolezaji,

Mzee Edwin Mtei ametuachia urithi mwingine wenye thamani na maana kubwa kwa Chama chetu na nchi yetu. Alitumikia Chama chetu kama Mwenyekiti wake kwa kipindi kimoja tu cha miaka mitano. Ilipofika mwaka 1998, akiwa na umri wa miaka sitini na sita (66), Mzee Mtei aliamua kustaafu uongozi wa Chama ili, kwa maneno yake mwenyewe, “kupisha damu changa” kuchukua uongozi wa Chama. Kama angetaka angeweza kuendelea kuongoza Chama kwa kipindi kingine kimoja au hata viwili. Lakini, kwa Edwin Mtei, uongozi wa Chama ulikuwa ni dhamana, sio fursa ya kung’ang’ania madarakani. Na kwa sababu ya mfano wake huo, CHADEMA imekuwa na itaendelea kuwa Chama pekee chenye kubeba matumaini na ndoto za mamilioni ya wananchi wetu ya kujenga nchi yenye kujali haki, uhuru na utu na maendeleo ya kweli ya watu wetu.

Ndugu Waombolezaji,

Mambo ya kusema juu ya Mzee wetu huyu ni mengi na mazuri, hatutaweza kuyamaliza yote kwa muda mfupi tulionao leo. Naomba nimalizie salamu zangu hizi kwa jambo moja ninaloamini ni muhimu kwa nchi yetu. Jambo hili linatudhihirishia aina ya kiongozi ambaye Edwin Mtei alikuwa, na thamani na maana ya maisha yake marefu.

Kwa muda mrefu wa miaka ya uhuru, viongozi wetu wa kisiasa hawakujenga utamaduni wa kuandika na kuchapisha vitabu na maandiko yanayohusu historia za maisha na nyakati zao baada ya kuondoka madarakani. Mwalimu Nyerere na rika lake lote la kwanza la uhuru waliondoka bila kutuachia simulizi za maisha na nyakati zao na changamoto walizokabiliana nazo kutoka kwenye midomo na kalamu zao wenyewe. Hatuna ‘autobiography’ au ‘memoirs’ za Mwalimu au Rashid Mfaume Kawawa, au za kiongozi mwingine wa rika hilo. Kwa sababu ya ombwe hili katika kumbukumbu zetu za pamoja, ufahamu wetu kama viongozi na wananchi kuhusu historia yetu wenyewe na kuhusu matukio muhimu ya historia hiyo ni ndogo na wakati mwingine haupo kabisa. Mzee Edwin Isaac Mbiliewi Mtei alitupatia mfano wa namna ya kuondokana na upofu huu wa kujitakia. Mwaka 2009 akiwa na umri wa miaka sabini na saba (77), Mzee Mtei alichapisha ‘From Goatherd to Governor’ (Kutoka Mchunga Mbuzi Hadi Gavana), historia ya maisha na nyakati zake. Kwa sababu ya ‘autobiography’ hii, tumeweza kufahamu mambo mengi kuhusu nchi yetu ambayo pengine tusingeyafahamu.

Tumeweza kufahamu, kwa mfano, jinsi sera za Ujamaa na Kujitegemea zilivyoipeleka nchi yetu kwenye lindi kubwa la matatizo ya kiuchumi. Tumeweza kufahamu angalau jinsi ambavyo kiongozi mmoja mwenye ujasiri na mwadilifu alivyosimama na kumwambia Mwalimu Nyerere ukweli wa hali yetu halisi na jinsi alivyowajibika kwa sababu ya kusimamia ukweli huo.

Kwa sababu ya mfano alioonyesha Mzee Mtei, viongozi wetu wengine nao walipata ujasiri wa kuandika na kuchapisha kumbukumbu za maisha yao na nyakati zao. Mwaka 2019, marehemu Rais Benjamin William Mkapa alichapisha ‘My Life, My Purpose’ (Maisha Yangu, Kusudio Langu), ambacho, kwa kiasi kikubwa, ni utetezi wake wa miaka kumi ya urais wake. Kwa kitabu hicho, marehemu Mzee Mkapa naye alituachia maelezo yake binafsi juu ya changamoto alizokumbana nazo katika maisha yake na alivyokabiliana nazo.
Pengine kiongozi aliyetupatia kumbukumbu bora zaidi za maisha ya utumishi wa umma na uongozi wa kisiasa ni ‘Mzee Rukhsa’, marehemu Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi ambaye kitabu chake chenye kichwa hicho kilichapishwa mwaka 2022. Kitabi hicho kina hazina kubwa ya taarifa za matukio mbalimbali ya utawala wa Mwalimu Nyerere nay a utawala wa Rais Mwinyi yeye mwenyewe. Tumshukuru Mzee Mtei kwa kuwa mwasisi wa utamaduni huu mpya wa kisiasa katika nchi yetu.

Ndugu Waombolezaji,

Sasa naomba kumaliza salamu zangu hizi. Edwin Isaac Mbiliewi Mtei aliishi maisha marefu na yenye thamani, maana na mafundisho mengi kwetu. Hatupaswi kuomboleza kifo chake; tunapaswa kusherehekea maisha yake marefu. Hatumdai chochote; alikwisha lipa madeni yake yote kwetu na kwa nchi yake na riba juu. Alivipiga vita vilivyo vizuri; aliilinda Imani yake, na sasa mwendo wake ameumaliza.

Basi tumshukuru Mwenyezi Mungu kwa maisha mema na marefu, kwa malezi bora aliyotupatia, kwa utumishi uliotukuka na adilifu wa Edwin Isaac Mbiliewi Mtei. Na sisi sote ambao maisha yetu yaliguswa na kufadhiliwa na baba yetu huyu, tuungane katika dua hii:
“Ewe Mwenyezi Mungu, muumba wa mbingu na nchi, mapenzi yako yametimia, uyasamehe makosa ya baba yetu huyu, umwangazie nuru ya uso wako, uiweke roho yake mahali pema peponi. Amina.”

Nawashukuru kwa uvumilivu wenu na Mwenyezi Mungu awape nguvu na faraja katika kipindi hiki kigumu.

Tundu Antiphas Lissu
Gereza Kuu la Ukonga - Dar es Salaam
January 2026

[Zitto MwamiRuyagwa Kabwe @zittokabwe]

Hamba Kahle Gavana Edwin Mtei

Turudi Desemba 1979, wewe ni Waziri wa Fedha. Umepeleka wageni kwa Rais. Rais mwenyewe ni Julius Nyerere. Rais hawataki wageni hao ila wewe unaona ni wageni muhimu kulingana na hali ya uchumi wa nchi wakati huo. Unajua hali ya nchi maana umekuwa gavana mwanzilishi wa Benki Kuu ya Tanzania, Katibu Mkuu wa Jumuiya ya Afrika Mashariki ambayo imevunjika punde na sasa Waziri wa Fedha. Rais amegoma, amekasirika na wewe umeondoka na wageni wako nyumbani kwa Rais ukiwa umekasirika. Yaani wewe Waziri wa Fedha umefura kwa hasira na Amiri Jeshi Mkuu wako naye amevimba kwa hasira.

Umerudi ofisini kwako. Waziri mwenzako, kilimo, anakuletea ujumbe kuwa mwende kwa Rais, huyo huyo Julius, kuhusu kununua shamba. Unajua hazina haina kitu kiasi cha kupata shida kulipa mishahara. Unakwenda kwa Rais unamkatalia hilo atakalo yeye na huyo Waziri mwenzako. Umekasirika zaidi. Unarudi ofisini, unaandika barua ya kujizulu unatoka kumpelekea Rais unakutana na msaidizi wa Rais anakuketea barua kutoka kwa Rais. Huisomi hiyo barua ya Rais unakimbia kwenda kwa Rais kumpa barua yako. Rais anakuuliza, umepata barua yangu unasema ndio lakini hujaisoma. Unampa yako. Anakubali barua yako.

Rais anaagiza barua yako ndio iwe rekodi rasmi ya Umma. Umejiuzulu badala ya kufukuzwa.

Nchi nzima yanaandaliwa maandamano, hatutageuka jiwe la chumvi. Mandamano yanapingana na mawazo yako. Unaonekana adui wa Taifa. Punde Rais huyo huyo anakupeleka nje kama mwakilishi wa Afrika katika Shirika la Fedha la Kimataifa. Shirika ambalo wageni wake walikataliwa.

Huyu ndiye Edwin Mtei. Hiyo ndio Tanzania. Huo ndio ukomavu (maturity) ambao Taifa letu lilikuwa limefikia miaka 20 tu baada ya Uhuru. Kwamba mnaweza kupishana mawazo bila kuwekeana chuki na mkaendelea kuheshimiana. Ni ukomavu huu ambao uliliweka Taifa pamoja. Ni ukomavu huu ambao sasa, miaka 60 baada ya uhuru haupo na Taifa lipo kwenye mtanziko mkubwa.

Huu ndio msingi pia ambao Mzee Mtei aliujenga hata alipoanzisha pamoja na wenzake Chama cha CHADEMA. Kwamba zifanywe siasa kwa kupingana bila kupigana, bila kujenga chuki na unaona mawazo yake haya kwenye kitabu chake kutoka mchunga mbuzi mpaka gavana.

Leo tunamuaga Gavana Mtei. Anaenda kuungana na Nyerere. Anaenda kuonana na rafiki zake kina Bob Makani, Vuctor Kimesera, Brown Ngwilulupi, Mama Mary Kabigi na wenzake wengi. Maisha ya Edwin Mtei ni duara lilikamilika. He has lived full life. Hakika tunapaswa kusherehekea maisha yake. Tunapaswa kuyatafakari mapito yake.

Gavana Mwanzilishi wa Benki Kuu ambaye kwa hakika neno Gavana lilimaanisha Mtei. Mwalimu Nyerere aliendelea kumwita Mtei Gavana muda wote licha ya kwamba nchi ilipata magavana wengi tu baada yake - Nyirabu, Rutihinda, Idris Rashid, Daudi Balali, Prof. Benno Ndulu nk. Sina hakika kama kuna hata ukumbi katika majengo ya Benki Kuu zetu wenye ukumbi wa jina la Mtei. Kama jibu ni hapana Benki Kuu itafakari hili. Benki Kuu ina matawi mbalimbali nchini hivi sasa. Nadhani itakuwa jambo Jema na murua kwamba moja ya jengo la matawi ya Benki Kuu nchini lipewe jina la Edwin Mtei.

Kwa wanasiasa na viongozi wa sasa kuna mafunzo makubwa katika maisha ya Mzee Mtei. Sisemi kuwa tuwe kama wao walivyokuwa kwa maana ya ukomavu kama nilivyoonyesha mwanzo wa tanzia hii. Kwa kuazima maneno ya Mark Carney, Waziri Mkuu wa Canada, "Nolstagia is not a strategy" kwamba kukumbuka mazuri ya zamani sio mkakati ( bahati mbaya hakuna neno moja la kiswahili la tafsiri ya Nolstagia). Ukomavu ulifasiri maisha ya Wazee wetu hawa.

Waliweza kutofautiana bila kuchukiana; Waliweza kuwa na misimamo tofauti bila kugombana;
Waliweza kuwa na mawazo tofauti bila kutekana;
Waliweza kuamua tofauti bila kuuana;

Heshima ya Mtu, kutotweza utu wa mtu ilikuwa tunu kubwa kwao. Ni wajibu wetu kutafakari na kupata njia yetu ya kutofautiana bila kuvunjiana heshima, bila kupigana, bila kuuana, bila kutekana.

Hiyo ndio njia bora zaidi ya kuwaenzi wazee wetu.
Kwa maoni yangu, hiyo ni njia bora ya kumuenzi Edwin Mtei.

[Typical African @Joe__Bassey]

This is one reason why Nigeria 🇳🇬, Africa’s biggest oil producer, has over 60% of its population living below the poverty line.

[PASTA JOSHUA @pastajoshuatz]

KESI 10 ZA MADAI AMBAZO HUPASWI KABISA KUPELEKWA POLISI

Badala yake, fuata utaratibu sahihi wa kisheria kupitia vyombo vya madai 👇

Kukimbilia polisi katika masuala ya madai mara nyingi husababisha kupoteza muda, nguvu, na wakati mwingine haki yako kabisa.

⚖️ Sheria haifanyi kazi kwa jazba, kelele au presha, bali kwa utaratibu uliowekwa.
Madai huhitaji uthibitisho, nyaraka, na mamlaka sahihi ya kisheria.

Polisi wamesimamiwa kushughulikia makosa ya jinai, si:
•Kugawa au kuamua umiliki wa ardhi
•Kulazimisha ulipaji wa deni
•Kupima mchango wa ndoa
•Kuamua mirathi

Kuchanganya mamlaka ni kujitengenezea vikwazo mwenyewe.
Utaratibu sahihi si anasa, si upendeleo, wala si kuchelewesha haki—ni ngao ya kisheria inayolinda madai yako dhidi ya dhuluma na matumizi mabaya ya madaraka.

🏛️ Mahakama ipo kusikiliza, kupima ushahidi, na kuamua kwa haki.
Haki haipatikani kwa kukimbia—hupatikana kwa kufuata njia sahihi.

1. Migogoro ya Ardhi na Viwanja 🏡

Huhusu umiliki, mipaka, au haki ya matumizi ya ardhi.
📌 Huhitaji nyaraka, ramani na ushahidi wa umiliki.
❌ Polisi hawana mamlaka ya kugawa ardhi wala kuamua mmiliki halali.

Mahali pa kwenda:
•Baraza la Ardhi la Kata
•Baraza la Ardhi la Wilaya
•Mahakama ya Ardhi (kulingana na thamani ya shauri)

Sheria zinazotumika:
•Sheria ya Ardhi
•Sheria ya Ardhi ya Vijiji

2. Migogoro ya Ndoa na Mali za Ndoa 💍

Huhusu mgawanyo wa mali, mchango wa wanandoa, na haki baada ya kutengana.
📌 Ni madai ya haki na usawa.
❌ Polisi hawapimi mchango wa kupika, kulea watoto au kushiriki ujenzi.

Mahali pa kwenda:
•Bodi ya Usuluhishi wa Ndoa
•Mahakama ya Mwanzo au Wilaya

Sheria inayotumika:
•Sheria ya Ndoa

3. Mirathi na Usimamizi wa Mali ya Marehemu ⚖️

Huhusu nani arithi, kwa kiasi gani, na nani hana haki.
📌 Huamuliwa kwa mujibu wa sheria na nyaraka.
❌ Polisi hawatoi urithi wala kuteua wasimamizi wa mirathi.

Mahali pa kwenda:
•Mahakama ya Mwanzo, Wilaya au Mahakama Kuu

Sheria zinazotumika:
•Sheria ya Mirathi
•Sheria ya Usimamizi wa Mirathi
•Sheria za Kimila au Kiislamu (panapohusika)

4. Madeni ya Kibiashara au ya Kawaida 💰

Mtu amekukopa na hajalipa.
📌 Hili ni dai la madai, si kosa la jinai.
❌ Polisi hawalazimishi ulipaji bila amri ya Mahakama.

Mahali pa kwenda:
•Mahakama ya Mwanzo, Wilaya, Hakimu Mkazi au Mahakama Kuu

Sheria inayotumika:
•Sheria ya Mikataba

5. Migogoro ya Mikataba 📄

Uvunjaji wa mkataba wa ujenzi, upangaji, mauziano au huduma.
📌 Hutatuliwa kwa madai au usuluhishi.
❌ Polisi hawasimamii utekelezaji wa mikataba.

Mahali pa kwenda:
•Mahakama husika au Usuluhishi (kama mkataba umeelekeza)

6. Migogoro ya Wapangaji na Wenye Nyumba 🏠

Kodi, kufukuzwa au matengenezo ya nyumba.
📌 Ni haki na wajibu wa kimkataba.
❌ Polisi hawatoi amri ya kufukuza au kumrudisha mpangaji.

Mahali pa kwenda:
•Baraza la Ardhi la Kata

Sheria inayotumika:
•Sheria ya Ardhi ya mwaka 1999

7. Migogoro ya Ushirika au Ubia wa Biashara 🤝

Huhusu faida, hasara, mapato au uongozi.
📌 Huhitaji hesabu, mikataba na ushahidi wa maandishi.
❌ Polisi hawatatui mgogoro wa faida kwa maelezo ya mdomo.

Mahali pa kwenda:
•Mahakama ya Biashara au Mahakama ya Wilaya

Sheria zinazotumika:
•Sheria ya Makampuni
•Sheria ya Majina ya Biashara
•Sheria ya Mikataba

8. Madai ya Fidia (Compensation) 🚗

Ajali, uzembe au uharibifu wa mali.
📌 Lengo ni fidia, si adhabu.
❌ Polisi hawahukumu kiasi cha fidia.

Mahali pa kwenda:
•Mahakama ya Mwanzo, Wilaya, Hakimu Mkazi au Mahakama Kuu

9. Migogoro ya Ajira na Kazi 👷

Mshahara, mafao au kufukuzwa kazi.
📌 Kuna utaratibu maalum wa kisheria.
❌ Polisi hawarudishi mtu kazini wala kuamuru mshahara ulipwe.

Mahali pa kwenda:
•Tume ya Usuluhishi na Uamuzi wa Migogoro ya Kazi

Sheria inayotumika:
•Sheria ya Ajira na Mahusiano Kazini

10. Migogoro ya Kifamilia Isiyo ya Jinai 👨‍👩‍👧

Malezi ya mtoto, matunzo au makubaliano ya kifamilia.
📌 Hutatuliwa kwa madai au usuluhishi.
❌ Polisi hawatatui haki za malezi.

[zizipho @zizipho50]

White people in Cape Town finally get a reality check of what Black South Africans have been complaining about!!
🚨🚨🚨🚨Must Watch‼️‼️

[MDN NEWS @MDNnewss]

South African fintech startup WattWallet launches pay-later electricity service

A new fintech startup, WattWallet, has unveiled an innovative pay-later service aimed at prepaid electricity users facing unexpected power shortages before payday.

The South African company, founded in 2025 by husband-and-wife team Keagan and Zhaida Juries, seeks to tackle energy insecurity among millions of households reliant on prepaid meters.

Prepaid electricity remains the dominant mode of power access for many South African households, but when credit runs out ahead of income cycles, families can be left in the dark or forced into costly informal credit options.

WattWallet aims to fill this gap with a simple, text-based process that lets users obtain electricity tokens now and repay later, even if they have limited smartphone or data access.

The platform is currently in its prototype and validation phase, with the founders focusing on technical integration, regulatory compliance, and partnership development before a broader rollout.

Rather than charging traditional interest, WattWallet applies a flat service fee and offers rewards for timely repayments, a structure intended to keep the service outside the scope of the National Credit Act while remaining affordable.

With rising electricity tariffs and ongoing energy insecurity, the service could offer a regulated alternative to informal borrowing or costly cash advances that many prepaid users currently rely on. WattWallet, which is self-funded to date, is now seeking investment to scale its operations and finalise technical and legal frameworks ahead of launch.

[SportsDokitor (Odogwu👆) @sportsdokitor]

“AFCON SMEAR CAMPAIGN”
(Same Game, Different Judgement)

A comment by Darren Lewis, a respected British sports journalist, deserves real credit. Paraphrasing his point:

We need to stop pushing the lazy narrative that what happened at the AFCON final is somehow a stain on all of African football.

When England fans vandalised Wembley after Euro 2020, it wasn’t framed as a failure of European football.

When Calciopoli exposed deep corruption in Italy and Juventus were relegated, it wasn’t used to discredit European club football as a whole.

When Steve Bruce led Sheffield United off the pitch during an FA Cup tie against Arsenal at Highbury, no one claimed it represented English football.

Yet, similar incidents at AFCON are quickly weaponised to question the legitimacy, organisation, and credibility of African football as a whole.

That double standard is the real issue, not the tournament.

Same game. Same problems. Different judgement.
AFCON isn’t the problem, the bias is.

[Andile Speaks @AfricaisBlack]

The Bloodline of the System. From Surviving to Selling Out.

To understand the "sell-out" nature of our current leadership, we must look at the roots. It begins with the father, Samuel Ramaphosa, a man caught in the economic cage of Apartheid. He was a sergeant in the South African Police (SAP) in Soweto.

Revolutionaries call Samuel’s era "forced survival." In a state that criminalized Black existence, the uniform was often the only way to secure a "pass" to live in the city. Samuel was subjugated labor, a man serving the machinery of oppression to feed his children. He eventually resigned when that same system began arresting his own sons.

Then comes the son, @CyrilRamaphosa. He started on the right path, weaponizing the Black working class. As founder of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), he led the 1987 strikes that shook the foundations of white rule. At that moment, he was the people’s champion. 

But the "Great Handshake" of the 1990s changed everything. While the masses wanted the Freedom Charter and the nationalization of mines, the elite were seduced. White capital realized they couldn't rule with guns, so they used Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) to buy a buffer of Black billionaires.

In 1996, the mask slipped. After losing the race for Deputy President to Mbeki, he didn't return to the unions or the township. He moved straight into the arms of white capital, joining New Africa Investments Limited (NAIL). Cyril traded the picket line for the boardroom. He didn't build businesses, he was handed stakes in McDonald’s, Coca-Cola, and MTN. He became the "Black face" for white-owned monopolies, ensuring their wealth remained untouched while the majority stayed in shacks. 

The late 90s were his "Accumulation Phase." He didn't start a business with a loan and a dream, he was "deployed" by the system. White-owned giants like Anglo American handed him stakes in companies like Johnnic Holdings to fulfill BEE quotas. He became a billionaire by facilitating the survival of white monopoly capital.

Throughout the 2000s, he sat on nearly 20 boards, including Standard Bank, SABMiller, and Alexander Forbes. He wasn't just a businessman, he was a gatekeeper. He used his political clout to ensure these companies got government contracts while they continued to exploit the same workers he once led. 

Then came the Buffalo Auction of 2012. While millions lived on R28 a day, Cyril bid R18 million for a buffalo. This showed the world just how far he had drifted from the reality of the masses. He had become the very "Black Diamond" elite the struggle was meant to replace. 

The ultimate betrayal happened at Marikana in 2012. As a Lonmin director, Ramaphosa didn't see the miners as brothers, he saw them as "dastardly criminals." He emailed for "concomitant action." 34 Black workers were mowed down to protect his corporate dividends.

From the father’s survival in a police uniform to the son’s betrayal in a billionaire’s suit, the story is clear. He used the workers to climb the ladder, and then he kicked the ladder away. To a revolutionary, he isn't a "success story" he is the ultimate cautionary tale of how the revolution was sold for a seat at the table. 🇿🇦

[The Chanzo @TheChanzo]

Aliyepigwa Risasi na Kukatwa Mguu Oktoba 29 afunguka kwa uchungu mbele ya Tume

Dar es Salaam. Tume ya Rais ya Uchunguzi leo ilikuwa Ilala kusikiliza waathirika wa matukio yaliyotokea Oktoba 29, 2025 na kuendelea.

Moja ya watu waliotoa ushuhuda mbele ya Tume ni kijana George Chipeta ambaye ni fundi magari aliyepigwa risasi mguuni akiwa kwenye pikipiki alipokuwa kwenye shughuli zake.

Mkutano huu ni mwendelezo wa ziara ya Tume kuzungumza na wadau mbalimbali nchini ikiwemo waathirika wa matukio ya Oktoba 29, 2025.