What does CAN stand for again?
Christian Association of Nigeria? Or maybe Cowards Amassing Naira? Or Crooks Astray in Nigeria? After this week, it’s genuinely hard to tell.
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Black Sunday. Big solemn statement. Lots of language about “forces of evil” and “resilience” and the urgent need for prayer.
The wolf is eating the sheep.
CAN is telling the sheep to look the other direction.
Jesus called out the Pharisees for their phylacteries — those little scripture boxes they strapped to their foreheads so the crowd could see how holy they were. Made them extra wide. Made sure they caught the light. Look at us. Look at how we stand for God.
Meanwhile the sheep were being slaughtered and they were counting the offerings.
CAN has mastered the phylactery.
The statements. The solemn observances. The Black Sunday press releases with all the right words in all the right order. The interfaith banquets. The titles and the platforms and the cameras.
But Paul told you what this fight actually is.
Ephesians 6:12. Written from a prison cell. “We do not wrestle with flesh and blood — we wrestle with principalities, with powers, with rulers of darkness, with spiritual forces of wickedness in high places.”
That verse is not a permission slip to stay vague. It is a command to go deeper. To identify the spirit behind the spear. To name it. To call it out. To confront it.
That is what spiritual leaders are for.
The spirit behind the slaughter in Nigeria has a name. It has a doctrine, a throne, and a 222-year track record. It is not hiding. The men who serve it announce it from the rooftops and write it in their founding documents.
It is called Islamic Jihad.
For some reason, CAN cannot say those two words. So instead, the flock gets “forces of evil” and “resilience” and a prayer for President Tinubu’s wisdom and determination. Resilience. Unity. Prayer.
Look over here, sheep. Not over there at the wolf devouring your brothers and sisters.
That is not a shepherd. That is a distraction.
John 10: “The hired hand is not the shepherd and does not own the sheep. So when he sees the wolf coming, he abandons the sheep and runs away.” The hired hand sees the wolf and runs. Sometimes straight into the arms of the government that feeds it.
Jesus called this crowd whitewashed tombs. Brood of vipers. I’ll add: Cowards. Hirelings. And in too many cases — bloodsucking dragons in a collar, more worried about the offering plate than the blood on the floor.
Nigeria’s Christians are not dying for lack of prayer. They are dying because the men God positioned between them and the wolf keep turning them around to face the other way.
Paul named the powers and put on the armor. Jesus walked into the temple with a whip.
Will the real shepherds please stand up?
#EarthShaker
'Only Katsina Govt Can Explain How My Father's Corpse Was Retrieved From Bandits’ Den’ –Son Of Late Retd Maj. Gen. Rabe Abubakar | Sahara Reporters https://t.co/OGdtyf2SM2
RIBADU’S SECURITY APPARATUS EXISTS TO SERVE NORTHERN ISLAMIC INTERESTS
That is not a conspiracy theory. It is what the evidence shows.
Nigeria's security apparatus has more counterterrorism technology and coordination infrastructure than ever before. In January 2024, the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps received brand new surveillance drones and advanced communications equipment. Eleven months later, in December 2024, the NSCDC dedicated its Counter Terrorism Command and Control Center at national headquarters in Abuja — with much fanfare, a cabinet minister in attendance — described by the Commandant General himself as "a state-of-the-art hub for communication, coordination and intelligence sharing which would facilitate rapid response and precision in counter terrorism."
Rapid response. Precision. Counter terrorism.
So where is the rapid response when Christians are being massacred?
June 2025, Yelewata, Benue State. Advance warning received three weeks before the attack. A second warning the day before. A military base less than one kilometer away. Security forces retreated. Nearly 300 Christians burned alive in market stalls.
March 2026, Ngoshe, Borno State. Three hundred Nigerian soldiers stationed in the town. They withdrew before the first shot. Over 100 killed. 300 abducted into slavery. The government had been paying displaced Christians in Cameroon to return. They came back and were massacred.
Christmas 2023. Easter 2024. Warning after warning. Promise after promise. Body after body.
The technology exists. The warnings arrive. The forces stand down.
Now watch what happens when the same apparatus turns in the other direction.
The Nigerian government, with no hearing or deliberation, unilaterally declared IPOB — the Indigenous People of Biafra — a terrorist organization. That designation has been challenged by Nigeria's own courts. It is not recognized by any other government on earth. No international body. No Western ally. No African Union member state. Nigeria stands alone in that designation.
Unlike the jihad groups in the North the government insists on calling "bandits" and "herders," IPOB hasn't slaughtered villages, burned churches and schools, enslaved or kidnapped anyone, or displaced millions. But the government calls them terrorists, and that designation is enough.
Because with IPOB labeled terrorists, the CT-C4's counterterrorism mandate legally covers the Southeast. The surveillance drones that never seem to spot Fulani militia movements in Benue have been deployed over Igbo communities in Enugu, Imo, Anambra, and Abia. The rapid response that never materializes for burning Christians in the Middle Belt has been fully activated against political activists in Igbo-majority states.
This is not hypothetical. Federal security forces have conducted multiple military operations in the Southeast under the IPOB terrorism designation — operations with no equivalent ever mounted against Fulani militias that have killed tens of thousands and displaced millions.
The Fulani militia gets a stand-down. The Igbo get a drone overhead and a terrorism designation their own courts have questioned.
That is not a malfunction. It appears to me that is the system working exactly as designed.
Now ask who designed it.
The NSCDC Counter Terrorism Unit operates inside a Northern Muslim-dominated command structure. Its Commandant General — Dr. Ahmed Abubakar Audi, son of an Islamic cleric — was reappointed by President Tinubu in February 2026, bypassing the established succession protocol that would have transferred authority to the most senior Deputy Commandant General, who is Igbo. Senior NSCDC officers called the situation "deeply troubling."
Audi reports to National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu. The man who publicly calls jihadist militants his "brothers." Who coordinated the arming of Miyetti Allah Fulani militias with AK-47 rifles under a federal security operation. Who personally signed a $9 million Washington lobbying contract to suppress the Nigeria genocide narrative.
The man responsible for Nigeria's counterterrorism coordination arms the Fulani militias slaughtering Christians. Oversees the apparatus that receives advance warnings of those attacks. And his forces stand down every single time.
While those same forces remain ready — legally authorized, technologically equipped — to move against the Igbo at any moment, under a terrorism designation no one else in the world recognizes.
Now add Turkey.
On Christmas Day 2025, President Trump bombed ISIS in Sokoto. The following day, Sheikh Ahmad Gumi — the Northern cleric who publicly defends Boko Haram and ISWAP and serves as the government's appointed mediator with jihadist groups — issued a public demand: Nigeria must halt all military cooperation with the United States immediately. "If Nigeria wants military assistance," Gumi declared, "China, Turkey, and Pakistan can do the job effectively."
Within weeks Tinubu was on a plane to Ankara.
January 2026 — nine agreements signed with Erdogan including a Military Cooperation Protocol. April 2026 — Nigeria's Defense Minister confirms: 200 Nigerian special forces to Turkey for training. A permanent Turkish training facility on Nigerian soil.
The organization most likely to staff that facility is SADAT International Defense Consultancy — founded by 23 Turkish officers expelled from their military for Salafist ideology. Their stated mission: helping the Islamic world achieve military superpower status. Their founder declared in 2019 that SADAT exists to "pave the way for the long-awaited Mahdi." He specifically named Nigeria as a country where jihadist groups deserve protection from African governments. The US Defense Department accused SADAT of training ISIS and al-Qaeda fighters.
An NSCDC Counter Terrorism Unit operating inside a Northern Muslim-dominated command structure, under a Commandant General who bypassed Igbo succession, reporting to an NSA who publicly embraces jihadist militants as brothers, equipped with surveillance technology, and now being expanded through a Turkish military training pipeline founded by Salafist officers whose stated mission is preparing the world for the Mahdi — is not a unit whose personnel composition you would expect to be transparent or friendly to Christian communities or the Igbo people.
It is Islamic conquest infrastructure wearing a security agency's uniform.
And it is being upgraded.
If you have information about the staffing, operations, or command structure of the NSCDC Counter Terrorism Unit — or about how this apparatus has been deployed in the Southeast — we want to hear from you.
#EarthShaker
The fell consequences of ejecting Mazi Nnamdi Kanu from the courtroom
By ALOY EJIMAKOR
In the theater of criminal jurisprudence, there exists a thin, unyielding line between the preservation of courtroom decorum and the outright annihilation of a defendant’s fundamental right to a fair trial. When a trial involves capital offenses, that line becomes an absolute iron wall.
When Justice Omotosho, on 20th November 2025, ejected Kanu from the courtroom, he may have believed he was stamping his authority on a volatile proceeding. However, by continuing the proceedings in Kanu’s forced absence, especially while the defendant had openly expressed his lack of confidence in the court and while no counsel was present to bridge the gap, the learned trial judge committed an egregious constitutional error.
The bedrock of Nigerian criminal justice is Section 36(6)(c) of the Constitution, which mandates that every person charged with a criminal offense is entitled to defend himself in person or by legal practitioners of his own choice. While statutory provisions like the Administration of Criminal Justice Act provide narrow windows for a trial to proceed when a defendant purposefully absconds, the rules radically shift when a defendant is forcibly excluded by the court itself.
The fatal error here lies in continuing a high-stakes terrorism and capital-offenses trial with an empty dock and an empty defense bench. The Supreme Court of Nigeria held in Adeoye v. State (1999) that: "It is a fundamental principle of our criminal jurisprudence that a trial for a capital offense or serious felony must be conducted in the presence of the accused person."
Keep in mind that Mazi Nnamdi Kanu was not just absent; he was sent out. And to compound the gravity of the ejection, Kanu had no legal counsel present to defend his interests during this forced ejection. Under Nigerian law, a trial judge cannot comfortably lock a defendant out of the room and simultaneously look past the total absence of a defense team to stand in for the defendant.
In Galadima v. State (2012), the apex court emphasized that: "Where an accused person is unrepresented by counsel in a serious criminal trial, especially one touching on capital punishment or severe felony, any proceeding conducted in his absence and without the aid of legal representation is a nullity."
By forging ahead without Kanu and without a counsel for him, the court effectively turned an adversarial criminal trial into an ex-parte proceeding. What makes Justice Omotosho’s insistence on proceeding even more untenable is the explicit lack of confidence in him by Kanu prior to the ejection.
When a defendant forcefully raises a reasonable apprehension of bias, the judge’s primary duty is not to push forward to prove his stoicism; it is to take a pause. The Supreme Court in Deduwa v. Okorodudu (1976), held that: "A judge must be indifferent to the parties and should completely insulate himself from the heat of the battle."
Instead of resorting to an adjournment to allow tempers to cool, the judge over-reacted by expelling the very man crying foul, and then continuing with the proceedings. To the reasonable observer, the optics are damning: a judge clearing the room of a so-called unruly defendant, then quietly wrapping up the case in the dark.
Courtroom misconduct, perceived or real, by a defendant can be frustrating, and judges are human beings prone to exasperation. But the law provides tools to manage such situations, none of which includes conducting a capital trial while the defendant is locked in a holding cell and his defense table is completely bare.
Thus, Justice Omotosho’s decision to continue the proceedings under these precise conditions was perverse and represents a total collapse of due process that will surely shock the conscience of the appellate court.
It’s 31days since Oyo children were taken.
It’s 31days since Oyo children were taken.
It’s 31days since Oyo children were taken.
It’s 31days since Oyo children were taken.
It’s 31days since Oyo children were taken.
Pls keep speaking up.
Pls share for the world to see this.
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Yesterday, we received a delegation of Nollywood practitioners led by Mr. Francis Ifeakandu, who is currently working on a film, "The Chronicles of Enyimba."
I commended their resilience, creativity, and dedication to producing a film project that seeks to showcase the rich cultural heritage, history, and development of Abia State, especially Aba, our Enyimba City. The initiative aligns perfectly with our vision of promoting investment, tourism, and economic growth through the creative sector.
While government may not directly sponsor private film projects, our administration remains committed to providing the enabling environment and support required for the growth of the entertainment and creative industry. I assured the team that our support remains available, and we will continue to work with stakeholders to ensure initiatives that promote Abia and create opportunities for our people to succeed.
Drawing from my own experience as a movie producer in the 1990s, I understand the challenges and opportunities within Nollywood. That is why we are actively pursuing plans to establish an Entertainment City in Abia, a world-class hub for filmmakers, creative professionals, and investors. Processes such as land acquisition and compensation have already commenced to bring this vision to reality.
I appreciate Mr. Ifeakandu, his team, and other Nollywood stars who accompanied him and for their efforts in telling Abia’s story to the world. The project, featuring over 2,000 cast members and structured into six seasons, will not only restore Abia’s prominence in Nigeria’s movie industry but also generate employment and attract investment.
🇳🇬 No Security. No Election.
A nation that cannot protect its citizens cannot ask for their votes.
Secure lives first. Politics can wait.
#isaelbuba#fyp#NoSecurityNoElection
65% of containers that arrive at Lagos ports end up in the East.
In Nigeria, Ndigbo define commerce, trade and importation.
With a seaport in the East, imagine what Ndigbo will achieve, and for Ala Igbo.
Every sensible Igbo must support Otti's quest to build a seaport in Abia.
NOTE: The terrorists who killed these poor farmers will be “begged” to accept pardon from the government, then pardoned with benefits, paid, praised, pampered and royally ushered into the Nigerian society to pursue dreams they cut short from thousands of Christians, even when it’s obvious over 95% of them aren’t Nigerians.
We are witnessing a real life apocalypse unfold in Nigeria.
If Nigeria isn’t the true definition of hell for Christianity, I don’t know where is.