Bante

[Dawit @HOAAffairs]

VOAU English News: Ethiopian Orthodoc Christians are Massacred, their c... https://t.co/hgwwNGWHoL via @YouTube

[ነብዩ @neby_G]

🚨 𝐍𝐞𝐰 𝐢𝐧𝐟𝐨𝐫𝐦𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐠𝐚𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐫𝐞𝐝 𝐛𝐲 @MeseretMedia 𝐟𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐠𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐧𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐬𝐨𝐮𝐫𝐜𝐞𝐬 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐥𝐨𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐫𝐞𝐬𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐬 𝐫𝐞𝐠𝐚𝐫𝐝𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐫𝐞𝐜𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐚𝐭𝐭𝐚𝐜𝐤 𝐢𝐧 𝐀𝐬𝐤𝐨 𝐖𝐨𝐫𝐞𝐝𝐚, 𝐀𝐫𝐬𝐢:

▪️Confirmed dead: 53
▪️People whose whereabouts remain unknown: 190
▪️Injured: 47
▪️Abducted and reportedly asked to pay ▪️ransom: 6
▪️Homes burned: 308
▪️Churches burned: 2

Displaced persons:

▪️Sheltering at Erecha Mikael: 789
▪️Sheltering at Sunte Maryam: 691
▪️Sheltering in Asko Town: 262
▪️Sheltering in Lencha Oda, Waranbus, Bogdo, and Kobere: 133
▪️Total displaced: 1,875

Local residents told Meseret Media today that the gunfire has ceased since this morning. However, the displaced population has not yet been able to return to their homes.

[Elizabeth Altaye @AltayeEthiopia]

ስራቸውን record እያረጉ ነው አይነጋ እየመሰላቸው 💔

[Dawit @HOAAffairs]

https://t.co/zaGPX0gDhT

[DNE Africa @africa_dne]

Dozens of Orthodox Christians Reportedly Killed in Fresh Violence in Ethiopia’s Arsi Zone

At least 37 Orthodox Christian civilians have reportedly been killed in a new wave of violence in Ethiopia’s Arsi Zone of the Oromia region, according to church sources, raising fresh concerns over security and communal tensions in the area.

The attacks allegedly occurred in Tefa Kebele of Aleko Teleta District and began on the eve of Ethiopia’s general election, according to reports received by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Church officials say several other residents remain unaccounted for, raising fears that the death toll could increase.

The violence reportedly targeted multiple communities and religious sites. Among the most significant incidents was the destruction of St. Gabriel Church, a century-old Orthodox church that was reportedly burned to the ground. A letter sent by local church authorities to the Ethiopian Orthodox Patriarchate confirmed the destruction of the church and detailed the scale of the attacks.

According to church officials, more than 280 households were displaced after armed assailants attacked villages, burned homes, and forced residents to flee. Church authorities described the events as a large-scale assault that caused extensive human and material losses.

The attacks were also reported in several neighboring localities, including Zedibu, Erecha Michael, Sunte Mariam, Bogdo Abo, Lencho Ada, Jiso, and Dire kebeles. Residents and church representatives said homes, livestock, and other property were looted or destroyed during the violence.

In a separate incident, a facility used by Holy Saviour Church for religious activities and guest accommodation in Kore Kuftele was reportedly damaged.

Church sources said the attacks continued on election day and criticized what they described as a delayed security response from local authorities. However, government officials have not publicly commented on the latest allegations.

Abune Elsae, Archbishop of the Arsi and Somali Jigjiga dioceses, confirmed that attacks had taken place and submitted a report to the Patriarchate listing victims and documenting damage caused during the violence.

The latest incident follows a series of deadly attacks reported in parts of Arsi and other areas of Oromia in recent years. Church leaders and community representatives have repeatedly raised concerns over the security situation and called for stronger measures to protect civilians and religious institutions.

In March 2026, church sources reported that more than 30 Orthodox Christians were killed in a separate attack in Arsi, while hundreds of residents were displaced.

Federal and regional authorities have previously stated that security operations have significantly weakened armed groups operating in Oromia and rejected accusations that attacks are being carried out on the basis of religion or ethnicity.

The latest reports are likely to intensify calls for an independent investigation into recurring violence in the region and renewed efforts to ensure accountability for attacks against civilians.

[Bante @NevarroNative]

The gov is actively trying to ignite a religious war in addition to the ethnic war and ethnic violence across the country targeting Amharas and other groups.
Here is a helpful background why this is happening. It’s a colonial playbook.

https://t.co/3OUo85eKDF

[Bante @NevarroNative]

The continued attack on Orthodox churches and its followers across Oromia region has escalated since the reign of Abiy Ahmed. This is a coordinated and continued distraction of an institution by the full apparatus of the federal and regional Oromia governments.

[Bante @NevarroNative]

Let’s not forget, the government arrested bishops, helped to split the church, destroyed 100s years old churches, blocked parishioners accessing the church (killing and injuring in multiple places), actively blocked aid to displaced Christian.

[ነብዩ @neby_G]

🚨 𝐃𝐞𝐚𝐭𝐡 𝐭𝐨𝐥𝐥 𝐟𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐎𝐫𝐭𝐡𝐨𝐝𝐨𝐱 𝐂𝐡𝐫𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐚𝐧 𝐦𝐚𝐬𝐬𝐚𝐜𝐫𝐞 𝐢𝐧 𝐎𝐫𝐨𝐦𝐢𝐚 𝐑𝐞𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐫𝐢𝐬𝐞𝐬 𝐭𝐨 𝟒𝟗, 𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐡 𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫 𝟐𝟖𝟎 𝐩𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞 𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐥𝐥 𝐦𝐢𝐬𝐬𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚𝐬 𝐎𝐫𝐨𝐦𝐢𝐚 𝐫𝐞𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐬𝐞𝐜𝐮𝐫𝐢𝐭𝐲 𝐟𝐨𝐫𝐜𝐞𝐬 𝐛𝐥𝐨𝐜𝐤 𝐚𝐢𝐝 𝐟𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐫𝐞𝐚𝐜𝐡𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐬𝐮𝐫𝐯𝐢𝐯𝐨𝐫𝐬

[Betegbar @Freedom44225]

🚨 EAST ARSI, ETHIOPIA — URGENT ALERT
Urgent reports from Aseko / Shirka area in East Arsi describe serious violence against civilians, including Orthodox Christian communities. Eyewitness accounts point to killings, displacement, and widespread fear.
End #AmharaGenocide
#ArsiMassacre

[Genocide Prevention In Ethiopia @GPEthiopia]

#GPE_AtrocityReport

SUBJECT: 16 Orthodox Christians and Amharas Massacred in Arsi❗
LOCATION: East Arsi Zone, Oromo Region, Ethiopia
DATE OF INCIDENT: Ongoing starting from May 31, 2026 (Ginbot 23, 2018 E.C)
VICTIM STATUS: 16 victims deceased, verified information available for 13 victims

We received information on June 1, 2026 (23/09/2018 E.C.) that 16 Orthodox Christians were killed in three districts of #EastArsi Zone, #Oromo Region, #Ethiopia. Two Orthodox Christians were killed in #HonqoloWabe Woreda/District, two in #Shirka Woreda/District, and ten in #Aseko Woreda/District. It is alleged that all of these killings are being carried out through government structures under the direction of the ruling Oromo Prosperity Party. See attached report for more information. On June 2, 2026, we received a follow up report that further verified details about 13 of the 16 fatalities, details can be found in the report below.

GPE EXECUTIVE NOTE: THE INTERSECTION OF RELIGIOUS AND ETHNIC PERSECUTION IN ARSI ZONE

Identity-based violence across the Arsi zones of Ethiopia's Oromia region operates through a dual-framework of religious persecution and ethnic targeting. While the primary visibility of these attacks suggests a singular focus on religious affiliation, closer field investigation reveals a structural intersection between faith and ethnicity.
Religious Persecution: The violence predominantly targets members of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church (EOTC). Historically, this pattern has occasionally expanded to include elements of the Protestant Christian minority.
Ethnic Targeting: Forensic cross-analysis of victim demographics demonstrates that the vast majority of those targeted are ethnically Amhara.

The intention of the attacks is to alter the demography of the area. The demographic landscape of the Arsi zones features an Oromo majority that is largely non-Orthodox. Perpetrators exploit this composition to achieve a specific geopolitical outcome:

The operational objective of these attacks is systematic displacement and forced removal of both ethnic Amharas and EOTC followers from the Arsi zones. Understanding this specific socio-religious matrix is critical to identifying the true intent of the perpetrators.

This assessment does not diminish or disqualify the clear, malicious intent directed at the EOTC as an institution. Rather, it serves to highlight a complex, systemic "double targeting" mechanism. Victims in this region face heightened vulnerability as they sit at the precise intersection of a targeted ethnic minority (Amhara) and a targeted religious minority (Orthodox Christian).

End #AmharaGenocide
#ArsiMassacre

Report: Organized Attacks Against Orthodox Christians and Ethnic Amharas in East Arsi
https://t.co/KNcpusssTP

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[ቃና ዘ ገሊላ @ze_gelila]

Yesterday, I received Jemal Countess's book with two conflicting emotions. The first was excitement that it had finally arrived. The second was a sharp heartache, knowing what the book is about and feeling the sadness of witnessing one of the darkest periods in the history of my people.

Then came the time to sit down, open its pages, and confront the uncomfortable reality that has been unfolding in Amhara.

Reading the stories of women who fled Benishangul-Gumuz and now live as IDPs, of women who lost their families in Mai-Kadra, and of the devastation left in the ruins of Ataye, it becomes painfully clear that they have borne the heaviest burden of this tragedy.

Their suffering did not end when they survived massacres. It continues today in makeshift IDP camps, where uncertainty and hardship remain their daily reality.

My deepest gratitude to you, @JemalCountess , for this remarkable work. As an Amhara, I cannot thank you enough for documenting these stories and preserving the truth.

Dawit @HOAAffairs , thank you for putting this book on my path. ❤️

[Kenneth Roth @KenRoth]

When Ethiopia's Abiy Ahmed took office he promised a historic transition to democracy." Instead, "at the polls next week voters will be offered no real choice. Nor is there any reason to trust that [he] will step down after two terms, as he once promised." https://t.co/hoe95WFqqs

[CPJ Africa @CPJAfrica]

“We walk on a tightrope. There’s no guarantee that you’ll be safe after reports … We are always living under the shadow of fear,” an Ethiopian journalist told CPJ, one of several who spoke on condition of anonymity about the impossibility of reporting effectively on the country’s June 1 election.

Journalists revealed that intimidation, detention, license suspensions, accreditation revocations, and informal threats are hollowing out independent coverage and causing reporters to flee their home towns and the profession.

One editor said: “I cannot say that there is a media outlet serving the public with regard to the election. The media has forgotten the meaning of election.”

Read more: https://t.co/3XdIpPOleg

[CPJ Africa @CPJAfrica]

In the countdown to Ethiopia’s June 1 election, @TheReporterET's Bewket Abebe flew to the town of Humera to report from one of the country’s most contested territories. He never made his meeting.

Security personnel searched his phone and detained him for three days in a crowded cell.

“The detention place was overflowing and crammed. It was hot and unsanitary,” Bewket told CPJ.

With journalists summoned, arrested, threatened, and pushed into self-censorship, Ethiopian reporters say the real election story is fear and the public is being left in the dark.

Read more: https://t.co/3XdIpPNNoI

[Dawit @HOAAffairs]

No Society Arrives at Tragedy Overnight

Published yesterday, May 28, 2026, exactly thirty five years after the political transition that inaugurated Ethiopia’s post 1991 constitutional order, this article examines a question that the passage of three and a half decades has made more urgent, not less: How did anti Amhara violence become institutionalized, and why has it persisted across successive political eras?

The timing is significant. As Ethiopia approaches another national election, the article looks beyond the immediate political moment and turns instead to the deeper historical forces that have shaped the present. This inquiry begins not in 2026, or even in 1991, but in the 1820s, with the missionary and colonial narratives that first gave shape to competing visions of Ethiopian identity and statehood.

Drawing on a genealogical framework, the article traces seven historical periods through which the negative political construction of the Amhara evolved, from European racial taxonomies and Italian colonial ideology, through the revolutionary student movement of the 1960s and 1970s, to the ethno nationalist projects that culminated in the constitutional and territorial order established after 1991. It argues that the violence experienced by Amhara communities in recent decades was neither accidental nor sudden. It was prepared intellectually, institutionally, and discursively over generations.

No society arrives at tragedy overnight. Long before violence manifests physically, it is shaped by the stories societies tell, the histories they choose to remember, and the institutions they build in their image.

As Chinua Achebe observed, “Until the lions have their own historians, the history of the hunt will always glorify the hunter.”

Understanding how certain narratives became embedded in law, territory, and political discourse is not merely an academic exercise. It is a prerequisite for truth, accountability, reconciliation, and the possibility of a more just future.

https://t.co/H7iIMwS0qY

[Dawit @HOAAffairs]

The biggest mistake many foreign analysts continue to make about Ethiopia is interpreting the country through outdated imperial frameworks, as though we are still living in the era of Haile Selassie. That Ethiopia is gone. What has increasingly defined Ethiopian politics and foreign policy in recent decades is not imperial ambition, but ethnic fragmentation and tribalized power competition. To describe Abiy Ahmed’s vision as “imperial” fundamentally misses the mark. What we are witnessing is not nation building, but the consolidation of fragile ethnic political enclaves wrapped in the language of national revival. Much of the celebrated transformation in Addis Ababa is deeply cosmetic. Step a few meters away from the polished corridors, parks, and showcase projects, and one encounters crushing inflation, deepening poverty, unemployed graduates, struggling doctors, and a country whose vast territories remain outside effective state control. Ethiopia today is not being driven by imperial overreach so much as by a dangerously fragmented political order sustained through spectacle, ethnic patronage, and increasingly detached narratives of grandeur.

[ቃና ዘ ገሊላ @ze_gelila]

Voting Under Siege: The Dark Irony of Europe Financing Elections While Amhara Burns

In June 1, 2026, Ethiopia will hold its general election. Official press releases out of Addis Ababa and sanitized bureaucratic briefs in Brussels spin a familiar narrative about registered voters and democratic milestones. The reality on the ground tells a much darker story. It is a performative exercise carried out under the shadow of an active human tragedy.

Right now, the Amhara region is being systematically torn apart. This is an active, state-led campaign of devastation. For the past 8 years, communities across Amhara have endured a terrifying reality of continuous federal military operations, severe communication blackouts designed to conceal the truth, and relentless drone strikes that shatter homes, markets, and civilian lives.

There is still #AmharaGenocide in Ethiopia 🇪🇹 @EUCouncil @eu_eeas

#NoBallotsWhileBulletsFly

https://t.co/YtpiZvyMrj

[The Economist @TheEconomist]

Ethiopia’s prime minister once promised a historic transition to democracy. Instead, through guile and brute force, he has personalised power to a degree unseen since the country’s last emperor https://t.co/w2rjn9Cu4z