Nigeria Must Fix Its Civil Service Before It Can Fix Nigeria.
There is an uncomfortable truth that Nigeria must confront: our political class is still institutionally immature, while much of our bureaucratic class is considerably more developed than we give it credit for.
This is not an argument for an unaccountable bureaucracy. It is an argument for restoring the professional bureaucracy to its proper place in the architecture of government.
Nigeria has thousands of career public servants who understand the machinery of government, know the rules, understand institutional memory and possess considerable technical competence. Yet, too often, they are shouted down, circumvented, displaced or reduced to the role of providing technical material for political appointees to present to political principals as their own work.
That is not good governance. It is institutional vandalism.
The Permanent Secretary is not supposed to be an ornamental figure in a ministry. The Director-General, Director, Accountant, procurement professional, planning officer and other career officials are not merely administrative assistants to political appointees. They are components of the institutional machinery through which the Nigerian state is supposed to function.
The political class determines political direction. The bureaucracy provides continuity, technical competence and institutional execution.
When these boundaries collapse, government becomes personalised.
And once government becomes personalised, due process becomes negotiable, institutional controls become inconvenient and accountability becomes increasingly difficult to locate.
The Awolowo Lesson
Nigeria has historical evidence that political leadership and professional bureaucracy can work exceptionally well together.
The administration of Chief Obafemi Awolowo in the old Western Region remains an important case study—not because the circumstances of the 1950s can simply be transplanted into contemporary Nigeria, but because the underlying philosophy remains relevant.
Awolowo’s political leadership was ideological, developmental and intensely demanding. His government had clear objectives. But it also understood that transforming those objectives into schools, roads, agricultural programmes, public institutions and social infrastructure required a competent administrative machinery.
The bureaucracy was given room to function.
But that autonomy was not an invitation to indiscipline.
It existed alongside high standards, rigorous supervision, personal discipline and an expectation that public service was genuinely a service to the public.
That distinction is critical.
A professional civil service should be independent enough to tell political leaders the truth, but disciplined enough to implement lawful political decisions once those decisions have been properly made.
That is the balance Nigeria has increasingly lost.
What Have We Become?
Today, we frequently see the political class intrude into areas that should ordinarily be governed by established administrative processes.
There are situations in which expenditures are initiated without adequate institutional involvement of the Permanent Secretary or relevant accounting officers. Staff matters are sometimes handled by political appointees. Technical responsibilities are reassigned to people whose principal qualification is proximity to political power.
The consequences are predictable.
Institutional control weakens.
Due process becomes blurred.
Accountability becomes fragmented.
And when something goes wrong, everybody can claim that somebody else was responsible.
This is how states become dysfunctional without necessarily becoming visibly chaotic.
The problem is not always the absence of rules. Sometimes it is the deliberate or gradual erosion of the people and institutions responsible for enforcing those rules.
Political Appointees Are Not the Enemy
We should be careful here.
“Professors are aiding illiterates to rig elections, lawmakers have removed forgery as an offense in electoral matters, and SANs are defending forgery, our religious leaders are now praying for criminal politicians, our judges are singing 'On your mandate we stand'”
- Peter Obi
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Ebola spreads through direct contact with the blood or other body fluids of an infected person or someone who has died from the disease.
NCDC continues to monitor both situations separately.
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NO MORE HIDING BEHIND NIGERIA’S NATIONAL NUMBERS.
I think it is time for the @NBS_Nigeria to lead a subnational statistical revolution.
Nigeria cannot continue to discuss development almost exclusively through national averages when the country is a federation of 36 states, the FCT and 774 local governments, each with vastly different economic structures, resources and governance outcomes.
National aggregates can conceal subnational failure just as easily as they reveal national progress.
If Nigeria’s GDP grows, which states are driving that growth? If poverty falls, where is it falling fastest? If employment rises, where are the jobs being created? If internally generated revenue increases, which states are actually expanding their fiscal capacity? If investment is growing, where is the capital going?
These questions should not be left to political interpretation. The data should tell us.
The NBS should therefore publish a standardized State Performance Dashboard, disaggregating major socioeconomic indicators by geopolitical zone, state and, wherever statistically feasible, local government.
The dashboard should cover at least six areas:
Economic Productivity: state GDP, GDP growth, GDP per capita, sectoral output, manufacturing, agriculture, exports, business formation and employment.
Fiscal Effort: internally generated revenue, IGR per capita, IGR relative to state economic output, federal transfers, total revenue, capital expenditure, recurrent expenditure, debt and debt service.
Human Development: poverty, education, learning outcomes, healthcare, maternal and child health, water, sanitation, electricity and other quality-of-life indicators.
Investment & Business Climate: private investment, new businesses, business survival, industrial activity, infrastructure and other measures of economic attractiveness.
Public Finance & Outcomes: not merely how much governments spend, but what citizens receive in return. A budget is not an achievement. Expenditure is not an achievement. Improved outcomes are achievements.
Institutional Capacity: budget execution, financial reporting, procurement transparency, debt management and the quality of public administration.
But we must be careful not to create a simplistic league table. States do not begin from the same baseline. The NBS should therefore measure absolute performance, relative performance against comparable states, and trajectory over time.
A state that inherited severe structural disadvantages but is improving rapidly should receive credit. A state that inherited a strong economic base but is stagnating should not be allowed to hide behind history.
We should also introduce a Fiscal Dependency Ratio federal transfers as a proportion of total state revenue and a Fiscal Effort indicator that measures the extent to which states are building their own sustainable revenue base.
This is not an argument against federal transfers. Equalisation is a legitimate feature of federalism. But equalisation should help states overcome structural disadvantages; it should not become a permanent business model.
The bigger issue is accountability.
Today, governments can easily claim success or blame failure on “Nigeria.” That must change.
If one state is attracting investment while another is not, let us know.
If one state is improving education while another is deteriorating, let us know.
If one state is expanding IGR and reducing fiscal dependency while another remains permanently dependent on federal allocations, let us know.
If one government is converting public resources into measurable improvements in citizens’ lives and another is not, let Nigerians see the difference.
Good statistics are not propaganda. They are public infrastructure.
The NBS should publish the underlying data in accessible, machine-readable formats so that citizens, researchers, investors, journalists and civil society can interrogate it.
Welcome to Class.
Course Title: Tinubunomics 402 - Total Financial Autonomy of a Subnational - Lagos As A Case Study.
Topic - Fiscal Federalism aka How To Efficiently and Effectively Run A Government With No Money from Abuja.
Lecturer - Professor Emeritus Bola Tinubu.
Just In: The DSS has arrested Samaila Ibrahim Kaigama following this interview on Channels TV, in which he boldly claimed to have evidence that Tinubu was paying Boko Haram and bandits, while also blocking media coverage of it.
She called the British Prime Minister a LIAR on the floor of the House. The Speaker suspended her and sent her out of the parliament.
Imagine that this happened in Nigeria...
Our Cashtivists will tell us it can only happen in Nigeria. They will make noise about freedom of speech without accountability.They will say such can not happen in their saner climes.
Issorite.
This video is so so sad to watch.
Yet the criminal crooks behind this madness described in this video are parasitic tyrannical pretenders who have somehow successfully convinced their idiotic sycophants that they are patriots.
What a shame. A whole shame.
NEW: President Trump introduces the USA Men’s Hockey Team, recognizing their resilience and “winning” spirit, as 'USA!' chants ring out through the chamber:
“You're going to win bigger than ever. And to prove that point here with us tonight is a group of winners who just made the entire nation proud. The men's gold medal Olympic hockey team. Come on in.”