1/17 Major retailers in Zimbabwe are struggling.
OK is in distress. Choppies is out. Others are scaling back.
But one store—Food Lover’s Greendale—is not just surviving. It’s booming.
I partnered with @InjectaAnalytic to uncover the hidden data behind this growth.
THREAD🧵
How Much of Your $1,000 Actually Reaches the Economy? A Deep Dive into Zimbabwe’s Transaction Taxes
By @begottensun | #ZimFinance#IMTT#Ecocash#VATExplained
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Let’s break down what happens when $1,000 enters the Zimbabwean mobile money or bank system.
We’re looking at:
•IMTT (2%)
•Ecocash or Bank Fee (3%)
•VAT (15%) on applicable goods
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1. Step 1: Receiving the Money
When $1,000 hits your wallet, the IMTT (2%) is immediately deducted.
•$1,000 × 2% = $20 to ZIMRA
•Your usable balance is now $980
This tax is invisible to most, but it already trims your total.
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2. Step 2: Spending the Money
You spend the full $980 in 75 equal transactions.
Each transaction attracts:
•2% IMTT
•3% Bank or Ecocash fee
Total fees per payment = 5%
This means only 95% of each payment reaches your supplier.
So, the actual value reaching others is:
•$980 ÷ 1.05 = $933.33
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3. Step 3: Tax on Spending
From that $933.33:
•IMTT on outflows = 2% of $933.33 = $18.67
•Bank/Ecocash Fees = 3% of $933.33 = $28.00
You’re down another $46.67 just for sending.
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4. Step 4: VAT Hidden in the Price
Now, 50 of the 75 payments are for goods/services that include 15% VAT.
•50⁄75 × $933.33 = $622.22 of your spending is VATable.
•Since prices already include VAT, we back-calculate it:
•VAT portion = 15⁄115 × $622.22 = $81.16
This VAT never reaches your supplier—it’s collected for ZIMRA.
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5. Final Summary: Where Your $1,000 Went
DestinationAmount% of Total
ZIMRA (IMTT + VAT)$20 + $18.67 + $81.16 = $119.8312.0%
Ecocash / Bank Fees$28.002.8%
Actual Revenue (before VAT)$852.17 85.2%
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6. Takeaway
Out of your $1,000, only $852.17 reaches the economy (your pocket) as actual value.
$147.83 is absorbed by the system in taxes and transfer fees.
Every swipe, transfer, and payment is taxed multiple times. It adds up fast.
This is why cash deals are still king for many—and why financial inclusion must come with cost reform.
Zimbabwe has never been led by politics; it has always been led by the gun from the rear.
In fact, the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) has always been led by the gun — only the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) was led by politics.
The first leader of ZANU was Ndabaningi Sithole. He was removed by the Mgagao Declaration, which was signed by the military wing of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA).
The chairman of ZANU and its external leader was Herbert Chitepo.
He was also killed by ZANLA in Zambia according to an international commission of inquiry set up by Zambian president, Dr Kenneth Kaunda.
The next leader of ZANU was Robert Mugabe. He was installed by the military, although Samora Machel the president of Mozambique had advised them against the idea.
Machel was proved right in the fullness of time, but it was the military that endorsed Mugabe through Rex Nhongo who became known as Solomon Mujuru.
The Lancaster House talks in Britain were almost stalled by Mugabe’s intransigence, but it was General Josiah Tongogara, with the help of Samora Machel, who forced Mugabe to sign — after Machel sent his special aide, Fernando Honwana, to tell Mugabe to sign or come back to Maputo and write his memoirs on the beach.
Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, it was the military, through its commanders, that influenced politics.
In fact, any time Mugabe felt threatened, it was the military that sorted out party problems. General Solomon Mujuru was nicknamed the Kingmaker because of that, he was a powerful behind-the-scenes Politburo influencer when he was the overall commander of the army.
Post-2000, it was the military that kept ZANUPF in power and actually ran its elections in tandem with the CIO.
It was General Vitalis Zvinavashe who threatened citizens saying the military won’t accept a Morgan Tsvangirai victory.
Though not a visible Politburo member in the 1980s, he was deeply embedded in both party and military affairs.
General Constantino Chiwenga was effectively a military commissar for ZANUPF, executing the first bloodless coup in 2008 when the military stopped Morgan Tsvangirai from taking over after defeating Robert Mugabe.
He was heavily involved in the 2013 elections with Air Marshal Muchena and eventually carried out a military coup that put Mnangagwa and the current regime in power.
When the new crop of so called technocrats was appointed by Mugabe in 2000, it was General Chiwenga who was involved and when they hit a brick wall, they would return to him.
The first time the military refused to be involved in politics — which is the real first aberration — was two weeks ago, when General Anselem Nhamo Sanyatwe refused to deploy soldiers against civilians and was fired for that. The ZANUPF spokesman Christopher Mutsvangwa called it disloyalty.
If President Emmerson Mnangagwa manages to fire General Chiwenga tomorrow, as rumours suggest, without any blowback or deadly consequences, he would become the first ZANUPF leader to lead the gun — and not be removed by the military.
So I disagree with the notion by my brother, Prof Jonathan Moyo, that the 2017 coup was an aberration. It wasn’t — it was the norm. What was an aberration was the amount of violence against the CIO and police officers who tried to resist.
What has kept Emmerson Mnangagwa in power after his power struggle with his Vice President is his clansman, General Philip Valerio Sibanda who is the Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces.
He is opposed to General Chiwenga taking over as president and has been a stumbling block for the Vice President.
Mnangagwa has been strategic by removing the former ZANLA army commanders from the top of the military because they are loyal to Chiwenga, who was in ZANLA, and replacing them with ex-Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) commanders.
General Sibanda and the Commander of the Army, General Emmanuel Matatu, are both ex-ZIPRA, and they are all from the Midlands, like Mnangagwa.
12 books to read in a lifetime:
•Ikigai
•Outliers
•Sapiens
•Mindset
•Shoe Dog
•Atomic Habits
•Rich Dad Poor Dad
•Think and Grow Rich
•The Compound Effect
•Never Split the Difference
•The Psychology of Money
•Man's Search for Meaning
What else to add?
Last week, OKZ announced that it had parted ways with three executives, including CEO Max Karombo, who has been replaced by former CEO Willard Zireva.
There has been much discussion about whether rehiring the former executives is a wise decision or whether the board is running out of ideas.
Here are some data points to consider.
🧵THREAD🧵
When CBZ tried to buy ZB, they had an eye on Mashonaland Holdings’ $86M property portfolio.
🧵 Here are some Mashold buildings
1/ ZB Life Tower. Built in 95, designed by legendary Vernon Mwamuka, who said: “It’s a model for rebuilding a city where highrise living is inevitable”
@brusol83@BrianRupiya Drip Tech Zimbabwe may lack the specialized injection molding machines with sufficient clamping force and shot capacity for manufacturing large items like bucket seats. They likely do not have the custom molds required for such complex, ergonomic designs.
@brusol83@BrianRupiya Their existing equipment may not handle the material specifications (e.g., ABS or reinforced polypropylene) required for durable bucket seats. Producing seats also requires load-bearing and UV-resistance testing infrastructure, which they may not have.