Bhavani Janakiram

mother of 4,not a toxic feminist, supports gender-neutral laws ,family counselor, leadership coach and one-time Lok Sabha candidate

[Massimo @Rainmaker1973]

Snow Raven is a member of the shamanic Sakha people from Arctic Siberia.

Her amazing voice takes its breath from traditional Sakha culture and is truly an instrument.

[Sanjay Jha @JhaSanjay]

Rahul Gandhi did a deep-dive into the ocean. It is time India deep-dived to understand the man who is doing something extraordinary: He is demonstrating political leadership in a manner few have.

While most politicians were busy trading slogans, Rahul Gandhi was underwater in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, drawing attention to a project that could impact forests, biodiversity, and millions of trees over time. And tribal communities. And you.

Because caring about nature is not https://t.co/3iX6525bic is empathy. Politics needs that desperately. #NoTelePrompter
@INCIndia

[Rants&Roasts @Sydusm]

Why data has been kept cheap in India.

12 years, and the one opposition leader the Sangh couldn't tame is Rahul Gandhi.

Every other leader has a file- documented, recorded, kept for the day they speak out of turn. Mayawati, Pawar, Kejriwal, Kamal Nath, Lalu, Raj... each one on a leash.

With Rahul, they tried everything. National Herald, endless ED summons, 50 hours of questioning. None of it silenced him.

He remains the only one who can speak without fear. And does.

Yet, he is still not the obvious choice to lead the country. The reason is years of relentless misinformation and propaganda. His privileged background, his foreign travels, his clothes, even his polite demeanour... all of it twisted to build one perception - that he isn't mature or experienced enough.

The man they couldn't silence, they chose to caricature instead.

And the caricature works best on the young. A lot of first-time voters who are raised on a diet of online content, fed this propaganda day in and day out, before they ever formed their own view, have swallowed it whole. No critical analysis, no checking of facts. They inherited an opinion and mistook it for their own.

The new generation of andh bhakts armed with WiFi.

[Congress @INCIndia]

SAVE GREAT NICOBAR

Because some losses can never be reversed.

[Ghar Ke Kalesh @gharkekalesh]

Scammers have become quite creative now.

[Sachin Gupta @Sachingupta]

मध्य प्रदेश –
रात 1 बजे पत्नी–बच्चों सहित मूवी देखकर लौट रहे बाइक सवार युवक को पुलिस ने चेकिंग के लिए रोका। बीच सड़क पर बाइक की चाभी निकाल ली। युवक ने मूवी टिकट भी दिखाया। पुलिस ने पत्नी के सामने युवक से दुर्व्यवहार किया, थप्पड़ मारा।

[🚨Indian Gems @IndianGems_]

A Overbridge in Bihar built at a cost of Rs 27 crore developed structural damage just 96 hours 13 minutes after inauguration.

[ParanjoyGuhaThakurta @paranjoygt]

Press Release
June 7, 2026

150 Citizens, Activists, and Academics Condemn State Intimidation and Deplatforming of Satirist Shamita Yadav ("The Ranting Gola")

NEW DELHI — A group of 150 prominent citizens, academics, journalists, and civil liberties activists, including Jawhar Sircar – Former Member of Parliament, Subhashini Ali – Political Activist, Tushar A. Gandhi – Mahatma Gandhi Foundation, Annie Raja – National Federation of Indian Women (NFIW), Kavita Srivastava – Human Rights Worker / People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), Gauhar Raza – Poet, Filmmaker, and Former Chief Scientist (CSIR), Prof. Ira Bhaskar – Retired Professor, JNU, Gautam Mukhopadhaya – Retired Civil Servant, Suresh K. Goel – Constitutional Conduct Group (CCG) , Geeta Seshu – Independent Journalist, Fr. Cedric Prakash – Human Rights and Peace Activist & Writer, Radha Kumar – Research Consultant and Author, Delhi, Shabnam Hashmi – Social Activist, Meera Sanghamitra-All India Feminist Alliance, have issued a joint statement strongly condemning the coordinated campaign of digital censorship, financial harassment, and police intimidation targeting political satirist Shamita Yadav, widely known as "The Ranting Gola."

The statement highlights a dangerous escalation in state overreach, detailing how Ms. Yadav’s primary and secondary social media accounts were arbitrarily suspended, followed by an incident where Goa Police personnel arrived at her residence to detain her without a legal warrant. Furthermore, authorities have targeted her professional ecosystem by demanding extensive financial records from her live performance organizers—a move the signatories describe as a malicious attempt to choke her livelihood and silence independent comedy in India.

Asserting that satire and political commentary are fundamental democratic rights, the signatories demand an immediate end to these intimidation tactics, the withdrawal of unwarranted financial inquiries, and the unconditional restoration of her social media platforms.

[copwatchbharat @copwatchbharat]

You would be in Hyderabad for a business trip renting a hotel peacefully, out of nowhere you would get raided by Hyderabad Police and they will come right inside your bed room and frisk your belongings

They won't ever go raid a 5 star hotel, this elite service is only reserved for us peasants

[Varun Choudhary @varunchoudhary2]

Why are public servants so afraid of being recorded?

A man travelling with his wife and child was stopped for checking.

The moment he began filming, he was beaten by Chhattisgarh Police.

@ChhattisgarhCMO @CGPoliceDept

[Anu @anushakunmittal]

What an answer!
Now imagine NM sitting in that space.

[Abhinandan @AbhinPan]

Long Post

CJP: The Safety Valve.

Reading various comments and reactions to the CJP over the last few weeks, from across the political spectrum, I have been baffled to discover that some of the most well-meaning commentators seem to have missed a rather simple but fundamental point. After more than a decade of BJP rule, any meaningful change in the functioning of the ruling dispensation and the institutions that operate under its influence can only come about if it is defeated electorally and removed from power. At this point, anything short of that remains manageable for the regime.

At the outset, therefore, I want to underline my position clearly: any desired transformation in the conduct of the government and the institutions it controls can only emerge through an electoral defeat of the ruling party. The vast resources at its disposal and the combination of political ruthlessness and religious hyper-nationalist fervour that sustains its support base make it exceptionally resilient to other forms of pressure.

It is also important to recognise that the notion that personal suffering or loss will eventually compel people to reconsider their political preferences has been repeatedly disproven. The avoidable tragedies associated with the COVID-19 pandemic, the Kumbh Mela, recurring train accidents, the demolition of homes and marketplaces through bulldozer actions, collapsing bridges and billboards, and countless other major and minor disasters have not significantly altered electoral behaviour. If the loss of a loved one has failed to produce such a shift, it is difficult to believe that lesser grievances will do so.

What is often overlooked in these discussions is that the BJP's political success over the past decade has not been confined to electoral victories only. Equally significant has been its success in reshaping the very terrain on which political contestation takes place. One of the most effective strategies employed by the ruling dispensation has been the gradual delegitimisation of politics itself. Through a sustained rhetorical campaign, the act of raising questions, demanding accountability, or criticising the government has increasingly been portrayed as "doing politics" in the pejorative sense of the term. As a result, politics has come to be associated not with democratic participation and public debate, but with opportunism, disruption, and bad faith.

The consequences of this shift have been profound. Public tragedies, administrative failures, and institutional shortcomings are increasingly insulated from political scrutiny through appeals not to "politicise" them. Any attempt to hold the government accountable is dismissed as an opportunistic effort to exploit suffering for political gain. Ironically, this insistence on keeping certain issues "above politics" is itself a deeply political act, for it determines which questions may be publicly debated and which must remain beyond scrutiny. The outcome is a political environment in which state failures are depoliticised while manufactured controversies and cultural anxieties are elevated to the centre of public discourse. This transformation has also altered the nature of protest movements. Increasingly, citizens feel compelled to insist that their protests are "non-political" or "above politics" in order to secure legitimacy and public sympathy.

It is no longer merely the ruling party or its supporters who argue that opposition parties should stay away from protests; citizens and protest organisers frequently make the same demand. During the anti-CAA movement and the farmers' protests, for instance, opposition leaders were often discouraged from visiting protest sites or addressing gatherings, out of concern that their presence would "politicise" the movement or allow them to derive electoral benefit from it. Similarly, protests against GST in Surat and several other issue-based mobilisations consciously sought to distance themselves from formal opposition politics in order to preserve an image of neutrality.

The result has been a steady shrinking of the public space available for oppositional politics. Unlike earlier moments of mass mobilisation, where civil society groups and opposition parties often worked in tandem, many contemporary protests consciously exclude political actors or discourage their participation. While such decisions may arise from understandable concerns, they also contribute to the broader marginalisation of opposition politics and weaken the capacity to translate public discontent into sustained political challenges. A protest that refuses politics may generate awareness and moral pressure, but it often struggles to convert that energy into institutional or electoral consequences.

While it remains to be seen how the CJP evolves, I fear that it may inadvertently reproduce many of the same tendencies. In its effort to maintain political independence and moral credibility, it may choose to distance itself from established political parties and opposition formations. In doing so, it risks severing itself from the very organisations that possess the ground-level networks, organisational capacity, and political reach necessary to translate the anger and frustration of the youth it claims to represent into meaningful electoral outcomes. Public discontent, however widespread, does not automatically become political change; it requires institutions capable of converting social energy into political power.

The second possible outcome is the well-trodden path of attempting to create a new political formation in the hope of offering an alternative to the existing regime. This, in my view, would be an even greater mistake. The experience of the anti-corruption movement and the subsequent emergence of the AAP should serve as a cautionary example. Whatever its original intentions, the creation of a new political outfit in the current conjuncture would likely do little more than fragment the anti-BJP political space further. Rather than weakening the ruling regime, it would add another layer to the already complex landscape of intra-opposition competition and contestation.

Having said that, it is difficult not to notice the relative ease with which this movement has been permitted to organise itself and occupy public space. Over the past few weeks, political organisations such as the NSUI and the IYC have been mobilising around many of the same issues; their protests have largely been met with the familiar repertoire of state repression that is water cannons, mass detentions, barricading, and, in some instances, violent lathi-charges. Similar responses have been witnessed in the recent workers' protests in Noida and in numerous other mobilisations that, in one way or another, posed a direct political challenge to the ruling regime or threatened its electoral support base.

Against this backdrop, the state's comparatively restrained response to the CJP protests appears noteworthy. Whether intentional or otherwise, the impression created is that the government has been willing to allow a controlled expression of public anger and frustration. This is not to question the sincerity of the protesters or the legitimacy of their grievances. Rather, it is to draw attention to the political consequences of a protest that remains detached from organised opposition politics.

One possible reading is that permitting such a movement to gather momentum serves as a mechanism through which public anger can be channelled, expressed, and eventually exhausted without being translated into a broader political change. In other words, the protest functions as a safety valve: citizens are allowed to vent their frustrations, but in a manner that remains disconnected from the electoral arena where political power is actually contested. The anger is real, the grievances are real, but the pathways through which that anger could be converted into electoral costs for the ruling party remain blocked.

Finally, the farmers' protest concluded just before the UP Assembly elections, following the government's decision to repeal the three farm laws. By that point, more than 700 farmers had reportedly lost their lives, thousands had endured months of hardship, and numerous protesters continued to face police cases. Given the scale of the mobilisation and the sacrifices involved, many political commentators argued that the movement would have significant electoral consequences for the BJP, particularly in western UP, one of the regions most deeply affected by the agitation.

The results, however, told a different story. Despite widespread expectations of an electoral backlash, the BJP largely retained its political dominance in the region and, in some constituencies, even increased its vote share. This outcome should caution us against assuming a straightforward relationship between public anger, successful protest movements, and electoral behaviour. The fact that a government is compelled to concede to a movement's demands does not necessarily translate into a corresponding shift in voting patterns.

This raises an important question in the context of the present movement. Suppose, and it remains a very large supposition, that sustained public pressure eventually compels the Education Minister to resign and the immediate objective of the agitation is achieved. What follows then? Will such a victory lead to a meaningful reassessment of political loyalties and electoral choices among those participating in or supporting the movement? Or will it instead reinforce the comforting but ultimately misleading belief that the government is responsive to public demands and capable of self-correction without any broader political consequences?

#cjp #cjp_protest

[Rajesh Raj @QrajeshR]

@AbhinPan No honest and serious political analysis in India today can ignore electoral fraud. It amazes me people just stop talking about it after the elections.

[Rants&Roasts @Sydusm]

Apparently, for many, including the Gen Z, Rahul Gandhi is a good man but a weak leader.

What is the definition of strong, may we ask?

A person who is now fully committed to uprooting the rot of the sangh from India is weak.

A person who hit the road for months and walked across the country is weak.

A person who speaks fearlessly every day against the corrupt criminal leaders and industrialists is weak.

A person who is well educated, well mannered, and respectful is weak.

A person who has foretold every failure of the regime years in advance is weak.

A person who genuinely meets people from all strata and listens to them is weak.

A person who heads a party that gives the only viable alternative to the sangh.

So, who is strong?

An online gatherer of handles and maker of memes? Is that the definition of strong?

[Supriya Shrinate @SupriyaShrinate]

𝐑𝐀𝐉𝐄𝐒𝐇 𝐄𝐗𝐏𝐎𝐑𝐓 𝐒𝐂𝐀𝐌 & 𝐓𝐇𝐄 𝐌𝐎𝐃𝐈 𝐆𝐎𝐕𝐓

▪️Rajesh Exports, an Indian jewellery company reported fake revenue of ₹15.15 lakh crore for 5 years between FY21 to FY25. Simply put, 99% of its revenue was fake!

▪️It reported massive revenues from overseas subsidiaries like the Swiss entity Valcambi SA. There were no invoices, no customer details, no inventory, no confirmations.

▪️Funds diverted to promoter-linked entities without proper approvals or disclosures.

▪️June 3, 2026 SEBI’s 109-page order banned Promoter & Executive Chairman Rajesh Mehta and the company from the markets.

▪️Stock crashed 80% - Shareholder wealth worth ₹12,726 crore was eroded in a single session. As always it is the small investor who pays the price for these massive frauds.

▪️LIC invested over ₹2,000 crore in the company and when the stock crashed, LIC lost almost ₹1,600 crores - which is money that belongs to common Indians.

▪️This fraud went on for 5 years - right under the nose of the Modi govt, with the Prime Minister clicking photographs with Rajesh Mehta.

👉That tells the extent of crony capitalism in India, the conflict of interest and the track record of the Modi govt and of the Prime Minister in checking corrupt practices.

👉Swindlers and fugitives from the law continue to flee overseas from right under Mr Modi’s nose - and none of them have been brought back to India in the last 12 years.

👉Other than being photographed with Rajesh Mehta - what steps has the PM taken to protect and restore hard earned savings of the large numbers of small investors who have lost their lives savings in this scam.

👉👉His hollow and fake words “ना खाऊँगा, ना खाने दूँगा” ring aloud, yet again!

[Rahul Gandhi @RahulGandhi]

I visited the southernmost tip of India.

I stood at Indira Point. I walked under trees that have stood for centuries. I dove into coral reefs among the most vibrant on earth.

And I sat with the people who live there. Tribal communities, whose land is being taken away by violating the Forest Rights Act. Settlers, many of them former soldiers, placed on these islands by the Indian government, who aren’t getting fair compensation.

The Modi government and BJP tells you Great Nicobar Project is about defence. It is not.

Expand INS Baaz - we will back the government fully. The Navy has been asking for expansion for five years - it has been ignored.

They tell you it is about a transhipment port. It is not. India is already building one in Kerala, which is on the mainland.

What it actually is: 1.5 crore trees felled. Coral reefs erased from official maps. Soldiers and tribals displaced - so one businessman can build hotels and casinos on India’s most irreplaceable ecological land.

Every young Indian I have spoken to understands this. You know that no amount of profit is worth destroying what can never be recovered.

I stand for ecologically balanced development. These islands can be the most extraordinary sustainable destination the world has ever seen. That is the India worth fighting for.

#GreenOverGreed
#NicobarMatters
#WorldEnvironmentDay

[Bhavani Janakiram @bhowanijunction]

@Bala141276 @sophiapeppin @Office_of_Udhay According to inside sources, there is a well-established kickback system that has not been dismantled by #TVK. They call out #DMK corruption but quietly continue receiving monies. @TVKVijayHQ should come out and answer these allegations

[Trivedi @Scholesy18T]

This useless cabinet achieved 187% GDP growth (versus under 100% in the last 12 years), under this cabinet the Rupee was not Asia’s worst currency like today, and our stock market was not the world's second-worst performing stock market. It didn’t shut down 93,000 public schools like your paw paw, maintained petrol at 50–60 INR without ethanol blending despite 100–147 USD crude oil, and preserved a strong RTI and relatively free media. Furthermore, it levied no STT, LTCG, or STCG, enabling middle-class wealth growth and stability. Under its watch, India's per capita was not less than Bangladesh like today, income inequality was not worse than the days of the British Raj like today, and Taiwan did not overtake India in stock market capitalization.

[Bhavani Janakiram @bhowanijunction]

@Paradoxica42692 @DrNimoYadav UPA ministers took responsibility and resigned; @BJP4India ministers are glued to their chairs and have zero accountability, supporting what Rajnath Singh once said, 'Ministers will not resign in this, brother. This is not the UPA government; this is the NDA government'

[Bhavani Janakiram @bhowanijunction]

@sophiapeppin @TVKVijayHQ went to Tiruchy; he was loud, full of rhetoric and sounded like a brat.The least some of us expect is for our CM to have some gravitas, he should reflect the dignity of the office he holds;donning a suit isn't enough. And for the love of Tamilnadu he needs to grow up.