Ms @HarianaVeras,
You stated that you "stand firmly by [your] professional integrity as a journalist committed to truth, accuracy, and ethical reporting". Those are indeed noble values and principles that should guide every journalist.
However, "professional integrity" should not be just proclaimed by the journalist him/herself; it should be demonstrated by the quality of the regular reporting and the daily work of the journalist.
If we put aside the frequent visits to Kinshasa and Bujumbura, the gifts you publicly received and accepted from President Tshisekedi or the holding of a microphone of the DRC State TV in Washington or in New York, one should look at your reporting of the conflict in eastern DRC over the past years to check if you are indeed a journalist with "professional integrity".
FIRST, you have never ever, in any of your reportings and interviews, mentioned the acronym "F.D.L.R", let alone condemning the collaboration of this genocidal militia with the Congolese army FARDC or denouncing its ethnic crimes in eastern DRC.
Here, there are two options: either you have never heard about the FDLR, in which case we should question your "professionalism", or your are aware of its existence and its crimes but chose not to report about it, in which case we should question your "integrity".
SECOND, you have completely ignored, in all your reportings, the ongoing persecution of the Congolese Tutsi, including the Banyamulenge. Their villages are regularly targeted by airstrikes by FARDC's attack drones and fighter jets; 300 hundred homes of Congolese Tutsi in a specific village in Masisi territory were burned downed by Kinshasa-backed militias in October 2023; the Banyamulenge were victims of a blockade in Minembwe by the Burundian army, preventing them from accessing markets; and individual Congolese Tutsi (including FARDC officers) were lynched, burned alive and even cannibalised in broad daylight.
Yet, you always look the other way and never reported about any of these many cases of persecution of women, men and children, just because on how they were born. Question: are the Congolese Tutsi not among the African people you are supposed to "advocate" for in Washington? Are they not human beings enough to warrant your precious attention?
THIRD, as a woman and RTNC reporter, why did you keep silent in December 2025 when General Sylvain Ekenge, the then Spokesperson of the Congolese Army, disparaged Congolese Tutsi women on RTNC, warning his male compatriots to never marry them, as they are "evil"?
Not only did you refuse to condemn this despicable slur against women on RTNC, but you even doubled down by wielding a RTNC microphone at The White House, as if you were defiantly endorsing the hate speech of the DRC State television.
FOURTH, as you gave two interviews to President Tshisekedi and one to President Ndayishimiye of Burundi, why did you, as a "professional" journalist, forget to ask them basic questions about their public threats to bomb Kigali and to overthrow the Government of Rwanda? Can you claim that you never heard about those threats, which went viral on social media, or did you conclude that those threats were justified, not worth reporting?
FIFTH, why the "professional" journalist and "expert" on Congo that you are, never reported on the use of foreign mercenaries by President Tshisekedi, who were deployed in violation of a OAU/AU Resolution of 1977 and a UN Convention of 1989?
More generally, how come do we never hear, in your reportings, questions and interviews, even the slightest criticism against the DRC Government and President Tshisekedi, using available reports by the UN and other international organisations?
If this grossly biased and one-sided reporting can be described as "professional integrity" by "a journalist committed to truth, accuracy, and ethical reporting", I guess we should urgently rethink about the definition of journalism.
Fayulu’s anti-Tutsi rhetoric exposes Kinshasa’s deepening hate speech
👉🏼In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the question of who is permitted to belong has long carried deadly consequences. Opposition figure Martin Fayulu’s mid-August remarks on the Banyamulenge have dragged that dangerous politics of identity back into the open, exposing how easily ethnicity, language and presumed ancestry can be weaponised to divide Congolese into citizens and supposed foreigners.
👉🏼Speaking during a recent European tour, Fayulu denied the Banyamulenge’s identity as a Congolese community, portraying them as people of Rwandan origin who settled on land belonging to the Bafuliro. He argued that because they speak Kinyarwanda, they should be regarded as Banyarwanda rather than as a Congolese ethnic community. Media reported him declaring that “there is no such tribe in DRC, since every Congolese tribe has its own language, and the Mulenge language does not exist."
👉🏼The controversy deepened when Fayulu was questioned about a complaint involving Banyamulenge representatives and atrocities in Minembwe, South Kivu Province. His response was revealing: “I am Congolese. Whose interests do I defend? Congolese people.” When a politician disputes a community’s Congolese identity and then says his concern is defending Congolese, the distinction places that community outside the national constituency whose rights deserve protection.
👉🏼Fayulu, however, did not invent this vocabulary. Anti-Tutsi and anti-Rwandan narratives have circulated for years through Congolese politics, media and armed conflict. Congolese Tutsi have repeatedly been branded foreigners, infiltrators or collaborators of Rwanda and the AFC/M23 rebellion, turning ethnicity itself into grounds for suspicion.`
👉🏼DRC’s history has already demonstrated the cost of turning identity into a weapon. Its leaders should be dismantling that weapon—not sharpening it.
Read:https://t.co/PXKjzEOVfr
RWANDA
Officials, experts, influential organizations from the US, Israel, and several African countries gathered in Kigali, Rwanda, on February 19 for the inaugural #KigaliSecuritySummit themed “Aligning the United States, Israel, Africa, and the New Middle East”. #FactsOnRwanda
We surveyed 150 Africans from 38 different nationalities to identify the top three most effective African Presidents and the three least effective or worst Presidents. Here is the score.
Most Effective Presidents:
1. Paul Kagame, Rwanda 92%
2. Ibrahim Traoré, Burkina Faso 89%
3. Dharam Gokhool, Mauritius 87%
Least Effective Presidents:
1. Paul Biya, Cameroon 8%
2. Félix Tshisekedi, Democratic Republic of Congo 4%
3. Évariste Ndayishimiye, Burundi 2%
@Patriote257@nellynadia3 Hey Fake Patriot. My dear, ask your FNDB & your imbonerakure what happened to them in SKivu in the face of M23. They are just cowards retreating much worse than FARDC
@Patriote257 Burundian army & imbonerakure one of the worst, Ill-equipped, Ill-trained and only moved by Hutu ideology. They are the cowardly force that is retreating like dogs in the face of advancing M23 rebels
UPDATE:
#Burundi has welcomed two #FDLR generals fleeing from the AFC/M23, despite the Washington peace agreement between Rwanda and the DRC, which required the DRC to begin dismantling the FDLR starting October 1st.
The decision to use Burundi as a base for the FDLR is not merely due to geography; it also reflects a deep ideological alignment between these former genocidaires and Burundi’s ruling Hutu-led CNDD-FDD regime.
@Ikiriho@TEDDYMAZINA@ali_naka@Sophie_Mokoena
https://t.co/0baERdPRUD
“If you want to know how many times the FDLR has attacked Rwanda, just look at the travel advisories some of your countries have issued. Every time the FDLR attacks Rwanda, you advise your citizens not to travel to that part of the country."
If 21 attacks in 31 years are not enough to invoke Article 51 of the UN Charter, which threshold justifies that?
“It happened to us once. We listened to preachers, and we were slaughtered like cows. It will never happen again.”
Rwandan UN Ambassador @martin_ngoga to the UN Security Council.