Dejan Aćimović

Ruby on Rails Developer

[Mythscape @mythscape_is]

250 yrs ago Poles fought side by side with Americans on the battlefield to forge the independence of the United States, through courage, cunning, and ingenuity. Today we celebrate this achievement and look toward the future together! #America250 #USA250 #July4th2026 #FourthOfJuly

[Sławomir Dębski @SlawomirDebski]

President Zelenskyy’s policy has achieved something that seemed almost impossible in Poland: it has united the entire political spectrum - from the far right to the far left - behind a single approach to Ukraine.

The message is now remarkably consistent: enough of symbolic gestures and one-sided appeals to shared values. Without respect from Kyiv, without sustained efforts to improve the political climate, and without Ukrainian leaders actively reducing the domestic political costs of supporting Ukraine, Poland will simply not be willing and able to do more.

It is a remarkable achievement of Ukrainian foreign policy to have squandered such an extraordinary reservoir of goodwill, solidarity, admiration, and public support that Poland built for Ukraine after its courageous resistance to Russian aggression.

That courage is still deeply admired in Poland. What puzzles many Poles is why Ukraine has failed to transform that admiration into a lasting strategic partnership based not only on shared interests, but also on mutual respect and shared values.

Political complacency always comes at a price. Ukraine has been living on borrowed time, borrowed resources, and borrowed political capital - including the political capital accumulated in Poland. No credit lasts forever.

[Dejan Aćimović @dejanacim]

@Kpelczynska Brawo👏

[Daniel Szeligowski @dszeligowski]

The deal is on hold because Ukraine wants different terms

[Sławomir Dębski @SlawomirDebski]

This is unfortunately a highly skewed interpretation...

Reducing the current Polish-Ukrainian crisis to MAGA, Trumpism, the far right or electoral politics misses the central issue.

The real turning point was President Zelensky’s decision to name a Ukrainian military unit after the “Heroes of the UPA”. That single decision inflicted more political damage on support for Ukraine in Poland than anything Vladimir Putin had managed to achieve in four years of war.

Nor is this only a Polish sensitivity. The European Parliament reached the same conclusion as early as 2010, when it deeply deplored President Viktor Yushchenko’s decision to award Stepan Bandera the title of “Hero of Ukraine”, explicitly recalling the OUN’s collaboration with Nazi Germany and expressing the hope that Ukraine would remain committed to European values.

For Poles, the issue goes even further. The same political tradition is associated not only with collaboration with the Third Reich but also with the mass murder of tens of thousands of Polish civilians by the OUN-UPA. It is hardly surprising that many Poles saw Zelensky’s decision as incompatible with the spirit of the extraordinary solidarity Poland has shown Ukraine since 2022.

What makes this particularly striking is that it was an entirely unforced error. For nearly three weeks, the Polish side sought a quiet solution. Multiple channels were used, including former President Aleksander Kwaśniewski - arguably the person who did more than anyone else to build modern Polish-Ukrainian reconciliation. Imagine Donald Trump asking Barack Obama to help defuse a diplomatic crisis. That is how unusual this effort was.

Yet Kyiv chose confrontation over correction. Instead of quietly reversing an unforced error, it allowed it to escalate into the deepest political crisis in Polish-Ukrainian relations since Russia’s full-scale invasion.

That is the story worth analysing - not MAGA.

[Yulia Svyrydenko @Svyrydenko_Y]

It's expected that 160 agreements worth more than €10 billion will be signed at the #UkraineRecoveryConference.

At URC 2026 in Gdańsk, we expect:

🔹 Around 160 agreements and more than 30 new partnerships, with a total value of over €10 billion.

🔹 More than 80 Ukrainian companies at the largest business fair in URC history, joined by 2,000 business representatives from around the world.

🔹 The launch of a new Energy Platform – a permanent tool to mobilize international support for Ukraine’s energy sector.

Opening the conference, I stressed our core priorities: security, energy resilience, private sector growth, and investment.

Ukraine’s recovery is not only about rebuilding what Russia has destroyed. It is an investment in a stronger Europe.

That is why strengthening Ukraine’s defense industry remains a top priority. Today, our defense sector is developing cutting-edge technologies that have proven effective on the battlefield – and are already helping protect Europe.

I am also grateful to our European partners for the €90 billion Ukraine Support Loan. We expect the first €3.2 billion tranche to be announced during this conference. This is another strong signal of confidence in Ukraine and support for our reform path.

It is deeply symbolic that URC is taking place in Gdańsk – a city where solidarity once changed history.

“There is no freedom without solidarity” is a message that speaks to us again today, as Europe faces shared security challenges.

[GeoInsider @InsiderGeo]

What's REALLY going on between Ukraine and Poland?

The fight over Zelenskyy, the UPA, and Poland's decision to strip him of the Order of the White Eagle, it's the collision of two completely different national memories of the 20th century.

To understand this, you have to go back more than 80 years let me explain. 👇

Today, Poland and Ukraine are strategic allies. Since Russia's full-scale invasion in 2022, Poland has been one of Ukraine's strongest supporter.

Yet beneath this alliance lies a historical dispute that never truly disappeared.

The center of the dispute is the UPA the Ukrainian Insurgent Army.

The UPA emerged in 1942 out of the broader Ukrainian nationalist movement, particularly factions linked to the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN). The history is complicated and often simplified in public debate. Specialists frequently distinguish between the OUN-B faction led by Stepan Bandera and the UPA itself, while continuing to debate the exact relationship, responsibilities, and chain of command between nationalist political leaders and military formations.

At the time, Ukraine did not exist as an independent state. Ukrainian nationalists believed they were trapped between competing powers Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union, and, in some regions, the Polish state that had ruled territories with large Ukrainian populations before World War II.

Their goal was to create an independent Ukrainian nation state, the problem is that history became extremely messy.

At different moments, Ukrainian nationalist groups fought the Germans, fought the Soviets, fought Polish forces, and sometimes cooperated tactically with one side against another. The result is one of the most controversial histories in modern Europe.

For many Ukrainians, especially in western Ukraine, the UPA became a symbol of resistance against Soviet domination. After World War II, UPA fighters continued a guerrilla war against Soviet authorities for years. To supporters, they represent a struggle for Ukrainian independence that eventually culminated in the modern Ukrainian state.

But for Poles, the UPA represents something very different.

Between 1943 and 1945, UPA units and associated nationalist formations carried out mass killings and ethnic cleansing campaigns against Polish civilians in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia. Polish historians estimate that around 100,000 Polish civilians were killed. Entire villages were destroyed and depopulated.

Poland officially recognizes these events as genocide.
Ukraine does not generally deny that large-scale killings of Polish civilians occurred, but many Ukrainian politicians and historians dispute the genocide label itself, arguing that the violence took place within a broader wartime conflict involving atrocities committed by multiple sides. This disagreement over terminology remains one of the most sensitive issues in Polish-Ukrainian relations.

Neither side is talking about exactly the same historical memory.
For many Ukrainians, the story is:
"We honor those who fought for independence against Moscow."

For many Poles, the story is:

"How can you honor people who massacred our civilians?"
That disagreement has never been fully resolved.

The latest crisis erupted when Zelenskyy signed a decree naming a Ukrainian military unit after the UPA. In Ukraine, supporters viewed it as a tribute to anti-Soviet and anti-Russian resistance. In Poland, it was interpreted as glorifying those responsible for the Volhynia massacres.

The backlash was immediate, President Karol Nawrocki, a historian who has built much of his political identity around defending Polish historical memory, responded by revoking Zelenskyy's Order of the White Eagle, Poland's highest state decoration.

Both nations believe they are defending historical truth.
And until they find a common language about the UPA, Volhynia, Bandera, and World War II, this issue will continue resurfacing no matter how closely they cooperate against Moscow.

[DHH @dhh]

In my mind's eye, this game looked very different. But in my mind's ear, it sounded exactly like this. Funny how 35 year-old memories come back to us. I loved this era of Amiga gaming.

[WarNewsPL @WarNewsPL1]

🇵🇱🔥🇵🇱
W kwestii bezpieczeństwa naszego kraju nie powinno być żadnych bezsensownych sporów.

@NawrockiKn @KosiniakKamysz @mblaszczak

[WarNewsPL @WarNewsPL1]

🇵🇱🇺🇸
🫡 Strażnicy polskiego nieba.

[Institute of National Remembrance @ipngovpl_eng]

The Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) is responsible for the genocide in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia.

By decision of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the Independent Special Operations Center “North” will be named in honour of the “Heroes of the UPA.” The granting of this name was justified as an effort to “restore the historical traditions of the national army.”

The Ukrainian authorities’ promotion of the cult of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army must provoke opposition from all those who remember the activities of this formation.

Founded in 1942, the UPA was based on the ideological foundation of the so-called “Decalogue of the Ukrainian Nationalist” from 1929, which includes, among others, the following statement: “You will not hesitate to commit even the greatest crime if the good of the cause demands it.”

This was a prophetic announcement of the genocide committed against Poles in the years 1943–1945 in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia.

The Volhynia Massacre was a method of building an ethnically homogeneous Ukrainian state, one devoid of the minorities inhabiting those lands, mainly Poles and Jews. “With the beginning of military operations for independence,” declared one of the program documents of the OUN faction led by Stepan Bandera, “the question of national minorities must be resolved at all costs. To resolve this issue, representatives of national minorities, enemies of the people, must be eliminated.”

Organised attacks on Polish villages began in February 1943 and continued until 1945. The peak of the UPA atrocities came on Sunday, July 11, 1943, when thousands of inhabitants were massacred in nearly 100 Polish villages in Volhynia.

In the following months, the genocide carried out by the UPA in Volhynia also spread to Eastern Galicia, the Chełm region, and the Rzeszów region. “You observe the methods of operation in Volhynia - do the same in your own area. You will prevail. [...] The OUN-UPA must have authority among the masses.

The masses must believe in you and follow you. If someone does not wish to believe in the UPA, in you, and in the leadership, they must feel the hard and vengeful punishing hand,” stated an appeal addressed to UPA members in the Chełm region in the spring of 1944.

Polish historians estimate that approximately 120,000 Poles - including women, the elderly, and children - were killed at the hands of Ukrainian nationalists. Victims also included Ukrainians who warned their Polish neighbours of the approaching danger.

🔎To learn more about the Volhynia Massacre, we recommend viewing our website:
https://t.co/SYZrF24PqG

[Tomasz Rożek @RozekTom]

Sytuacja polskiej nauki nie wynika tylko z braku funduszy. To systemowa katastrofa rozwojowa, która spycha Polskę na margines innowacyjnego świata.

Kilka miesięcy temu, w The Economist ukazała się analiza dotycząca tzw. „brain circulation”, a w niej zdanie: „Poland is the biggest loser from this scientific migration” (Polska jest najbardziej stratna z powodu migracji naukowców).

Jesteśmy krajem, który daje światu talenty, które później rozwijają innych, dają bezpieczeństwo innym.

@3procentnanauke

[Aleksander Olech @AleksanderOlech]

Taka ciekawa mapa od Francuzów w kontekście rywalizacji z Rosją.

[WarNewsPL @WarNewsPL1]

🇵🇱🇺🇸
❗️Witamy w Polsce.

@MON_GOV_PL @KosiniakKamysz @BBN_PL @prezydentpl

[The Defence Blog @Defence_blog]

Poland took control of its own spy satellite constellation — built and delivered in under 12 months. The radar satellites work day and night in any weather, giving Poland independent eyes in space for the first time.

https://t.co/39MzeCWlc1

[Defense of Ukraine @DefenceU]

🇺🇦🇵🇱 APC Rosomak (Wolverine): Polish predator in service with the Armed Forces of Ukraine

[Maciej Mensfeld @maciejmensfeld]

We're dealing with a major malicious attack on @rubygems right now. Signups are paused for the time being.

Hundreds of packages involved - mostly targeting us, but some carrying exploits. The team has been on this for hours. More details to follow once we're through it.

#ruby

[exQUIZitely 🕹️ @exQUIZitely]

MicroProse had a legendary run: 30 years from 1982 to 2002. And yes, I am aware they "lived on" via being bought by other companies, and "revived" now. But I consider their heart and soul to be those initial 30 years.

Looking back, what was the very first MicroProse game you played?

And from the chronological list below, which one is your all time favorite?

Hellcat Ace (1982)
Floyd of the Jungle (1982)
Chopper Rescue (1982)
Spitfire Ace (1982)
NATO Commander (1983)
MiG Alley Ace (1983)
Solo Flight (1983)
F-15 Strike Eagle (1984/85)
Crusade in Europe (1985)
Decision in the Desert (1985)
Kennedy Approach (1985)
Acrojet (1985)
Silent Service (1985)
Gunship (1986)
Conflict in Vietnam (1986)
Pirates! (1987)
Airborne Ranger (1987)
Project Stealth Fighter (1987)
F-19 Stealth Fighter (1988)
Red Storm Rising (1988)
MicroProse Soccer (1988)
M1 Tank Platoon (1989)
Sword of the Samurai (1989)
Midwinter (1989)
Rick Dangerous (1989)
Railroad Tycoon (1990)
Silent Service II (1990)
Knights of the Sky (1990)
Covert Action (1990)
F-15 Strike Eagle II (1989/90)
Civilization (1991)
Gunship 2000 (1991)
F-117A Nighthawk 2.0 (1991)
Darklands (1992)
Task Force 1942 (1992)
Master of Orion (1993)
UFO: Enemy Unknown (1994)
Master of Magic (1994)
Transport Tycoon (1994)
Colonization (1994)
Civilization II (1996)
Grand Prix 2 (1996)
Master of Orion II (1996)
The Gathering (1997)
X-COM: Apocalypse (1997)
Falcon 4.0 (1998)
MechCommander (1998)
MechWarrior 3 (1999)
Civilization II: Test of Time (1999)
RollerCoaster Tycoon (1999)
Grand Prix 3 (2000)
Grand Prix 4 (2002)

[Nate Berkopec @nateberkopec]

IMO it's very disrespectful to post direct output from an AI into an email, Github comment, or other document intended for human consumption without any annotation saying that it's agent output.

[Michael Weiss @michaeldweiss]

If we’re really going to pull 5,000 U.S. troops from Germany, I think I know where they should be sent…