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They Rejected Chamisa — Now They Are Using His Playbook The opposition in Zimbabwe have secretly adopted the strategic ambiguity. Strategic ambiguity is the deliberate practice of withholding or limiting information about an organisation's plans, leadership, or operations in order to create uncertainty for opponents and reduce their ability to interfere. This strategy has been used by opposition organizations in Zimbabwe because of the government's oppressiveness. They only contact journalists privately a few minutes before a scheduled press conference. Under normal circumstances, press conferences, public gatherings and rallies are announced at least 24 hours in advance to prepare followers (listeners) as well as the media. Under opposition leader and 2023 presidential candidate Nelson Chamisa's strategy, the opposite applied. Press conferences and public gatherings were deliberately kept secret, and journalists were contacted only a few minutes before the event. This strategy appeared to work well during the period leading up to the 2023 elections. Compared with previous elections, opposition leaders and prominent supporters faced fewer pre-emptive arrests and disruptions of campaign activities, suggesting that the strategy helped reduce the state's ability to target them. Its subsequent adoption by leaders who had previously criticized Chamisa and his methods suggests that the approach had strategic value. The fragmented opposition leaders, despite aligning with known ZANU-PF apologists and each forming their own organizations, have failed over the past two years to mobilize supporters to stage even a single demonstration or mount meaningful opposition against CAB 3. Their activities have largely been confined to the digital space, where much of their energy has been spent attacking their former leader, Chamisa. Beyond this, the roughly ten leaders have periodically gathered for press conferences in bushy, secluded locations. Social media has it that these opposition outfits are funded by Chiwenga, the 2017 coup hero who now faces political relegation. If CAB 3 succeeds, his already slim prospects of ever becoming President could be irreversibly diminished. Such an allegiance may also explain the ineffectiveness these opposition leaders have displayed in opposing CAB 3. A relationship with a ZANU-PF faction has created a false sense of security, making them less disciplined and less vigilant about operational security. It may also have exposed them to infiltration by individuals whose ultimate loyalty remained with ZANU-PF rather than the opposition. This, in turn, could help explain the pattern of surprise arrests involving some opposition leaders. The internet is replete with reports of police raiding homes and allegedly discovering campaign flyers and other incriminating material hidden under beds, inside wardrobes, and in other unlikely places, suggesting that security agencies may have been acting on prior intelligence. This explain why these opposition leaders appeared less concerned about operational security. Believing they enjoyed protection from a ZANU-PF faction, they may have become complacent, making it easier for individuals whose loyalty remained with ZANU-PF to infiltrate their organisations and leak information about their activities.