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Jaclyn
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Joined February 2009
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I have protected the identity of the poster, but this is in Tunbridge Wells.
wtf.
Not one but 2 cats have gone missing, following this man entering a random ladies property.
We don’t have to live this way.
Spanish sociologist awarded £1.5 MILLION in UK taxpayer funding to research LGBTIQ+ asylum policies
Another very effective advert for Restore Britain in the latest Times hit piece...
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Objectively correct motorsport shitposter · Blocked by Glickenhaus and formally BMW Motorsport · Slowly improving simracer · Own views mine are stupid many too
Difficult to describe what is happening to the country without sounding paranoid or hysterical. Yet the systematic elimination of a people, our history, traditions, and language through myriad forms of diffusion, obfuscation, policy and punishment is quite clear.
The purpose of a system is what it does. Decades of propaganda—I reflect on what we were taught at primary and comprehensive school, though the rot was no doubt already well-advanced—to fracture the social body, to traduce or water-down our Christian inheritance, right down to the "hymns" we sang from state-mandated scores, is, in hindsight, most evident.
The light is very painful. Why wouldn't people prefer the comforting, if uneasy, fog?
🚨JUST IN: Illegal Sudanese migrant Rasheed Rahman randomly murdered grandfather Mark Carroll, 55, in an unprovoked stabbing in north London.
The Independent has revealed today that only three days prior to the murder in 2024, Rasheed was released on bail for randomly punching two members of the public. Just one day before that attack, he was arrested for throwing a brick through a church window.
Rahman was known to Romford mental health services and had suffered from drug psychosis as a result of alcohol and drug misuse.
It isn't clear when Rasheed arrived in the UK, but when he was discovered he was granted temporary leave to remain in the UK until March 2028.
On the day before the stabbing, Rasheed took a knife from the office of the supported housing building he was living in, which was logged by staff as residents were not allowed to have knives.
After posting threatening messages I received yesterday, I was contacted by someone who supports the Pakistani rape gang survivors.
She has confirmed that six survivors have received almost the exact same threatening messages from the same man in Bradford who targeted me.
This man has been verified as connected to the Pakistani Muslim network linked to the grooming gangs.
@RupertLowe10’s Rape Gang Inquiry has also identified these gangs operating in Cheshire West and Chester, right next door to Wrexham. Every woman in the area needs to be aware.
Other messages I’ve received confirm that I am now a target.
I contacted @NWPolice yesterday and gave a statement over the phone this morning. I’m still waiting for the written version to review and sign before it is forwarded to @WestYorksPolice, who cover Bradford.
To any right-leaning women out there who are not afraid to speak out or any women at all: regularly check your message requests and report everything suspicious or threatening.
This is all very much still ongoing. These men, and the grooming gangs behind them, must be held accountable.
I will not be silenced. I will not back down. I will continue to exercise my legal right to free speech about what is happening to the United Kingdom.
Especially not by weak foreign men in my country who only threaten women.
Henry Nowak died the same way a civilization dies: abandoned, handcuffed by authorities who neither trusted nor cared for him, and accused of hate crimes he did not commit. His murder is as tragic as it is enraging. He should still be alive today, and he would be if the last few generations of European elites had stood their ground against the politics of self-hatred and the mass invasion of migrants, many of whom despise the West and the people who love it.
Henry was far from the first to so needlessly lose his life, and I fear he won’t be the last. Each time a life like his is lost, the proper response—the only response—is righteous anger. One of the most important things the Trump administration has proven to the world is that stopping the flow of mass migration and defending national sovereignty is a matter of political will and leadership. Anything else is an excuse.
It is because we love the West that we want to preserve it. We love our civilization. We love our country. We love our children. And nobody—nobody—should ever die the way that Henry Nowak died. May God comfort those who loved him, and may God rest his soul.
“Any institution not deliberately kept to its purpose drifts, sooner or later, toward the reigning orthodoxy”
We should retire the phrase "two-tier policing." Not because it's not true - as per official police materials, it pretty clearly is - but because it goes nowhere near far enough.
When you look at tragedies like the death of Henry Nowak and try to capture it with a term like "two-tier policing", you end up inadvertently masking a vast constitutional catastrophe underneath a complaint about general procedure, something a review and a reworded leaflet can put right.
What happened to Nowak is a single visible outcrop of something far larger and far worse: the capture, one institution at a time, of the British state by the belief-system of a particular class. It is something to which the public are, slowly-but-surely, awakening, but it's well short of the reckoning it requires.
After all, we have a word for people who steal from an institution. We call it corruption - it is endemic in British public life, by the way - and we know what to do about it. But we have no working word for the thing that is worse: an ideology quietly replacing an institution's reason for existing. A virus of the institutional mind, a toxin of the institutional soul.
A police force exists to protect the public. But a captured police force exists to advertise its own virtue, and will leave the public to bleed on a pavement to do it. You needn't take this on faith: they wrote it down. The police's own Race Action Plan states, in black and white, that equal treatment is the very thing it has set itself against. The institution rewrote its purpose and published the confession, though it expects your submission, rather than your forgiveness.
Nowak's death is the product of that inversion. An officer trained to treat the accusation of racism as the most urgent fact in the room met a dying boy and a lying killer and performed exactly as trained. Nothing has malfunctioned here, nothing at all. The system did precisely what it is now built to do.
And it's not one rogue patrol, either, though the truculence of the Hampshire police commissioner in the face of his officers' malfeasance might tempt you to think otherwise. The same disease runs through institutions with nothing else in common.
Consider William Shawcross' review of Prevent, which found a counter-terror system so warped by fear of the word "Islamophobia" that barely a fifth of its referrals concerned Islamism, while four-fifths of live terror investigations did: an apparatus that exists to see the threat, trained not to look at it. Closer to home, we all know how forces now log tens of thousands of "non-crime hate incidents" - speech that broke no law - while most actual thefts end without a suspect even being sought. Captured institutions keep working. They simply pour their effort into whatever the creed rewards.
None of this is mysterious. Robert Conquest's old law holds that any institution not deliberately kept to its purpose drifts, sooner or later, toward the reigning orthodoxy. Bolt onto that a personnel machine - the diversity directorate, the recruitment that quietly screens for the right opinions - that makes careers out of professing the creed and ends them for doubting it, and the capture becomes self-sealing, because the captured now do the hiring.
What turns this from a blunder into a betrayal is who holds the beliefs and who pays for them. These are what Rob Henderson calls luxury beliefs, and beneath them sits the truth Christopher Lasch named thirty years ago in The Revolt of the Elites: a credentialed class that has seceded from the common life and no longer shares the nation's fate. The beliefs are status markers, costless to the people who profess them, because that class is insulated by the good postcode and the private option from every consequence of what it believes. The bill falls entirely on the people without the buffers - the boy stabbed on a night out, the girl in a town the council won't name being pimped around a circuit of cab drivers who may well be flying their cousins in from overseas to join in their activities.
A doctrine experienced as compassion by the people who hold it that is paid for in the blood of the people who don't.
And when one of those victims dies on camera, the same class looks the country in the eye and tells you that the thing you have just watched didn't happen, and that to have noticed it is the real bigotry.
There's no point talking about reviews or inquiries. We're passed that point. If you want this to stop, you need to be thinking about institutional recapture. We need to commit people, means, and time to the task of hauling each institution back to the job it was built for:
- The police to protect
- The courts to judge on the evidence according to law delivered by a mandated parliament
- Local councils devoted to matters of local import, rather than those which spend their times siphoning away procurement funds and pontificating on matters of obscure foreign policy
...and restoring the most unfashionable principle left in British life, that the state is blind to who you are and answerable only to the truth. Equality before the law is part of the great inheritance we have bequeathed the world, and it has been taken from us on purpose, by people convinced they knew better.
It was taken from us because we were too weak. It is our disgrace and a blotch on our history. But we can return it to ourselves, and return it we must.
The rife anti-white filth that has infected Britain goes so much further than the police - that cancer runs much, much deeper.
Young white men - treated like dirt exactly because they are white. It is blatant racism, and politicians should have the courage to say so.
Our institutions now seem perfectly comfortable judging people by the colour of their skin, provided that skin happens to be white.
Universities. Hospitals. Councils. Military. Police. It is EVERYWHERE.
White British men are told we are privileged regardless of our circumstances. We are told we should sit quietly by whilst opportunities, resources and funds are deliberately allocated to ethnic minorities.
I say no. Enough.
This has happened as a white British boy died in the street, begging for help. Ignored and left to die, because an ethnic minority murderer accused him of racism.
But outlining the issue is not enough. Not now. No more talk. We need solutions.
Identifying the rot is only the beginning. Here is what a Restore Britain Government will do to rip it out.
- Repeal the Equality Act 2010 in full, and repeal the laws it replaced, especially the various iterations of the Race Relations Act.
Initially sold as a simple non-discrimination duty in public places, these Acts have over time amounted to a series of escalating discriminatory attacks on white people.
The 2000 amendment imposed a statutory duty upon public bodies to ‘promote racial equality’ following the MacPherson Report. We’re told this Act supposedly prohibits racial discrimination, but the principles it enshrined in law are now being used to promote racial discrimination against white people. It is unacceptable, and has reached far beyond its original remit.
The Equality Act 2010 consolidated all of the previous Race Relations Acts into one anti-white monstrosity.
- Repeal all laws which punish ‘racist’ speech, including Part III of the Public Order Act 1986 - which criminalises ‘incitement to racial hatred’.
- Repeal law which requires courts to treat racial hostility as an aggravating factor when sentencing offences.
- Replace it all with one simple act that ensures every British citizen is equal before the law and positively outlaws anti-white discrimination, so as to prevent activist judges from reading their own prejudices into the law.
- Ban race-based, sex-based and religion-based quotas in public bodies and private companies.
- Prohibit recruitment schemes restricted to particular ethnic groups.
- End mandatory DEI training across government, local authorities, police and NHS bodies.
- Ban positive discrimination in hiring and promotion.
- Outlaw race-specific graduate schemes and internships.
- End taxpayer funding for DEI officers or schemes across the entire public sector.
Restore Britain is committed to rooting out all laws, practices, and norms that systematically discriminate against white people.
It will end. I promise you that.
A Restore Britain Government will restore fairness for all.
That includes white people.
A reminder that just last year, the Sentencing Council tried to push through guidelines which would have instructed judges to give ethnic minorities more lenient treatment than whites.
https://t.co/YaphNBEehG
Foucault, Derrida, Deleuze. Trois intellectuels qui, dans les années 60, pondent des livres illisibles au fond d'amphis parisiens. Aucun n'a jamais tenu une arme. Aucun n'a jamais entendu parler de Southampton.
Et pourtant, soixante ans plus tard, c'est leur idée qui tient la main qui menotte Henry Nowak, 18 ans, pendant qu'il se vide de son sang.
Comment passe-t-on de l'un à l'autre? Il n'y a pas de hasard. Il y a une ligne droite. Je vais vous la dérouler, maillon par maillon.
Premier maillon. Ces philosophes lâchent une idée d'apparence inoffensive: la vérité ne serait jamais neutre, ce serait toujours une construction du pouvoir. Donc on pourrait, et on devrait, se méfier des faits eux-mêmes. Ils n'ont pas voulu ce qui allait suivre. Mais ils ont armé un mécanisme: le soupçon généralisé envers le réel.
Deuxième maillon. Cette idée traverse l'Atlantique et mute dans les universités américaines. Elle rencontre une impulsion noble, la repentance, reconnaître des injustices historiques réelles. Et elle la transforme en tout autre chose: une hiérarchie morale permanente. Des groupes classés selon leur degré supposé de victimité. Oppresseurs d'un côté, opprimés de l'autre. Pour toujours.
Troisième maillon, et c'est là que tout bascule. Une fois qu'on classe les gens par groupe, on cesse de les juger par leurs actes. On les juge par leur catégorie. La crédibilité n'est plus méritée, elle est assignée d'avance.
Quatrième maillon. Black Lives Matter en fut l'apogée liturgique. « I can't breathe » devient une formule sacrée. La règle implicite: croire d'office la victime désignée, soupçonner d'office l'oppresseur désigné. Avant les faits. À la place des faits.
Comprenez bien ce qu'on installe là. Pas une opinion. Un réflexe. Un automatisme cognitif gravé dans des institutions entières: l'accusation venue de la « bonne » catégorie l'emporte sur ce que vous voyez de vos propres yeux.
Et un réflexe, on sait ce que ça fait à des hommes ordinaires.
Je me suis longtemps passionné pour la psychologie, et une période m'obsède: l'après-guerre. Le moment où des chercheurs se sont posé la question la plus dérangeante du siècle. Comment l'Allemagne nazie avait-elle transformé des pères de famille ordinaires en bourreaux de camp?
La réponse, ils ne l'ont pas trouvée chez des monstres. Ils l'ont trouvée chez des hommes parfaitement banals.
Hannah Arendt a appelé ça la banalité du mal. L'historien Christopher Browning, en étudiant le bataillon de réserve 101 (des policiers d'âge mûr, des pères, des commerçants), a montré que ce ne sont pas des fanatiques qui ont fusillé des civils, mais des hommes normaux incapables de désobéir au cadre dominant.
Puis vint Milgram. À Yale, environ deux tiers de gens ordinaires ont infligé ce qu'ils croyaient être des décharges mortelles, simplement parce qu'une autorité le leur ordonnait. L'expérience de la prison de Stanford a montré la même chose sous un autre angle: donnez à quelqu'un un rôle et un cadre, et il s'y conformera jusqu'à l'inhumain.
La leçon n'est pas allemande. Elle est humaine. Le mécanisme s'active dès qu'un cadre moral dominant fait craindre la sanction sociale plus que ne compte le témoignage de ses propres yeux. L'individu cesse de voir ce qu'il voit. Il voit ce que le cadre l'autorise à voir.
Maintenant, rejouez la scène de Southampton au ralenti.
Henry Nowak, 18 ans, poignardé, allongé au sol, répète aux policiers « j'ai été poignardé », « je ne peux plus respirer ».
Réponse de l'officier: « I don't think you have, mate. »
Pendant ce temps, son meurtrier retourne la situation d'une phrase: il aurait été victime d'une agression raciste, on lui aurait arraché son turban. L'officier n'a pas vu Henry. Il a vu deux catégories. D'un côté, un homme qui dégaine le script de l'agression raciste, crédible par défaut. De l'autre, un jeune homme blanc à terre, sans grief à brandir, sans formule sacrée à réciter, suspect par défaut.
Le cadre a choisi à sa place. Il n'a même pas eu à réfléchir. C'est ça, le conditionnement: la pensée a déjà eu lieu, avant lui. Exactement le mécanisme de Milgram, de Browning. Un homme normal qui cesse de croire ses propres yeux parce qu'un cadre moral lui a appris ce qu'il devait craindre.
René Girard avait tout décrit. Le coupable détourne sa faute en désignant un bouc émissaire, et le système l'accepte d'autant plus volontiers qu'il colle au rôle attendu. Henry n'a pas été cru parce qu'il ne pouvait pas jouer la victime. Sa catégorie le lui interdisait.
Souvenez-vous. Le monde entier s'est agenouillé pour quatre mots, « I can't breathe ». Des entreprises, des gouvernements, des stades entiers. Henry a prononcé exactement les mêmes mots, en train de mourir. Il n'y aura ni genou à terre, ni hashtag, ni minute de silence. Parce que sa mort ne sert pas le cadre. Elle le contredit.
Voilà l'inversion finale, et la plus monstrueuse. Une idéologie née en promettant de protéger les vulnérables a fini par apprendre à des hommes à ignorer la personne la plus vulnérable de la pièce, celle qui agonise, parce que sa catégorie n'était pas la bonne.
Et le vrai piège, c'est de croire que l'erreur aurait été de choisir le mauvais camp. Non. L'erreur, c'est de choisir des camps. De voir des catégories là où il y a un être humain qui saigne devant soi.
De Foucault à Southampton, voilà la ligne droite. Soixante ans pour qu'une idée abstraite apprenne à un homme à ne plus voir un enfant mourir sous ses yeux.
Henry Nowak n'avait rien demandé. Il demandait juste qu'on le voie.
Personne ne l'a vu.
I am entirely uninterested in making exemptions for un-British religious practices.
What would Restore Britain do?
Halal slaughter, banned. The kirpan, banned, Kosher slaughter, banned. The burqa, banned. All of it, banned.
This is Britain - we do things our way.
People with no WISE (Welsh, Irish, Scottish, English) ancestors should not allowed to be MP's.
@AyoubKhanMP should have no rights to be an MP and tell us what to do. He should be an MP in Pakistan.
Born into a Mirpuri, Pakistan - one of twelve children.
For those mainly Pakistani men who have inflicted the very worst pain imaginable on innocent British children, please know this.
There will come a day when the power of the British state that concealed your atrocious crimes for so very long is turned against you.
It will be swift. It will be brutal. It will be severe.
Because if Restore Britain gets a sniff of power, there will be a reckoning. I promise you that.
We will show you the same mercy you showed our girls.
Your race or religion will not protect you any longer.
A message will be sent that is heard right across the world.
If you rape our children, you will pay for it - and you will pay for it with everything.
That is what Restore Britain will do.
Labour's Welfare Secretary admitted to Peter Mandelson what he won’t tell you.
Labour raised your taxes to pay for more benefits.
Hello, we are Jonathan and Abigail - unashamed pedants who want to bring this affliction to bear on all things public policy and practice.
We believe that details matter, especially in public administration. This is why today we are founding quibble: a campaign to fix the small stuff.
Think, for example, about the cookie banner that we click on every webpage. Each instance is not a big deal, so we just put up with it. But its cumulative impact adds up - on average we press it 5 times per day. The European Commission estimates that it costs EU citizens 343 million hours per year.
And who is there to represent the impacts of seemingly minor issues like this in a systematic way? We want quibble to be the answer. In the case of the cookie banner, lots of advocacy has rightly focused on privacy, but has this meant that user experience has taken a backseat? We believe there are ways to improve user experience without compromising on privacy. We will share more about this soon.
Consider another example. Did you know that in some government-run car parks you can be fined for a minor keying error, such as accidentally typing a zero instead of an “o”? Again, we will come to the detail of this quibble in the coming weeks, but for now just consider again the question: who? Who is there currently to systematically represent the interests of the parker who is given an unfair ticket?
An inherent feature of consumer interests is that those who have them rarely have enough other things in common to make collective organisation and representation feasible. This is the gap that quibble seeks to fill. Now of course excellent consumer interest groups exist. But understandably quibbles might not be at the top of their lists. Our hope is that quibble will be complementary; picking up the bottom-of-the-list issues faced by various groups - the stuff they are almost too embarrassed to raise because they are too small.
We are not embarrassed about detail. If you’ve ever had a splinter, you know small things can have a big impact. This is what quibble is committed to tackling, and our wider hope is that by doing so we will also incentivise policy makers to be even more careful about detail.
Check out our website here, including our first four campaigns: https://t.co/gZiqqHbhIL
Tower Hamlets councillors have voted themselves pay rises of up to 130% just 3 weeks after being elected.
The East London authority with Britain’s highest child poverty rate approves increases.
Britain's highest level of child poverty but a councillor gotta eat right?
Living in a luxury house in London and sipping champagne on the book festival circuit is about as far away from serving a prison sentence as I can imagine. It’s worth remembering that thanks to Nicola Sturgeon vulnerable women in Scottish prisons are banged up with violent men.
Left: London’s Deputy Mayor for Communities and Social Justice, £151,465
Right: London’s Deputy Mayor for Policing and Crime, £147,969.27 per year
Their collective salaries are £299,434.27 per year.
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