Israel is accused of war crimes when it defends itself. What about real war crimes committed by Gazans, as those documented in this film? Real images. Real interviews. Just facts. No AI. The sad reality. Please, watch and share.
European gold and bronze for Israel! 🥇🥉🏃🇮🇱
Israel’s marathon team are European champions after winning team gold at the European Athletics Championships in England, while Gashew Ayele claimed individual bronze with an incredible time of 2:09:21 👏
Two medals and an unforgettable finish to the European Championships for Israeli athletics 🏆
📸 Israel Athletics Association
#TeamIsrael #Athletics #Marathonathletes #Runners #EuropeanChampionships
In the same city where the local police lied about Israelis and tried to ban us from attending the @MaccabiTLVFC match, the Israeli team at the European Athletics Championship this week struck gold 🥇
Could not be prouder to hear our anthem played in Birmingham, UK… in the face of those terror supporting radicals!
Remember: genocide means a deliberate attempt to exterminate a group, simply for being members of that group. That’s what “genocide in Gaza” alleges: that Israel is unsuccessfully attempting to exterminate every last Palestinian.
Now, stand fast the fact that the only really high rate of Gazan deaths happened in the first months of the war and dropped to barely registering after the ceasefire (see graph below). One might suggest that had Israel been intent on wiping out everyone indiscriminately, they would have maintained their rate of killing.
But what about the overall population of Gaza? If Israel had wanted to wipe out every Palestinian, you’d expect that overall total to fall, right?
At some point, the word genocide has to survive contact with arithmetic. Gaza’s own records now sit in open contradiction with the claim that Israel attempted to destroy its population: approximately 121,000 live births since 7 October 2023, against a reported direct war death toll of just over 73,000.
The extermination narrative looks increasingly absurd. More babies have been born in Gaza during the war than Gazans have been recorded as killed, including both civilians and combatants.
The usual escape route is to say that genocide need not succeed. That is legally correct and intellectually evasive when deployed to make every contrary fact disappear. Genocidal intent still has to be proved, and the ICJ has held that, where it is inferred from conduct, the destruction of the group must be the only reasonable inference available.
In Croatia v Serbia, it examined whether civilians had been spared, evacuated or allowed to survive when their supposed destroyers had the opportunity to kill them. Conduct preserving members of the protected population counted against genocide.
Now apply that reasoning to Gaza.
Start with polio. In September 2024, while Israeli troops were still fighting across the Strip, Israel agreed daily, area-specific pauses so Palestinian and international medical teams could vaccinate Gaza’s children. The first round reached 559,161 children under ten, around 95 per cent of the eligible population.
Israel then agreed to do it again. The second round reached 556,774 children, with 448,425 children between two and ten also receiving vitamin A. The campaign required the delivery of 1.6 million vaccine doses, refrigerators, freezers, ice boxes and hundreds of vaccine carriers. WHO and UNICEF planned for the vaccines and cold-chain equipment to transit through Ben Gurion Airport before entering Gaza.
A third campaign followed in February 2025. It vaccinated 602,795 children under ten, reaching 102 per cent of the estimated target because medical teams found children missed during earlier rounds.
The combined figure is 1,718,730 administered polio doses. (That represents repeated protection of roughly 600,000 individual children, rather than 1.7 million different children.) Almost the entire under-10 population was reached again and again.
These vaccines were administered by Palestinian health workers, WHO, UNICEF, UNRWA and their partners. Without Israeli cooperation, the campaigns could not have happened.
UNICEF’s end-of-year report says the outbreak had been interrupted by July 2025. It also records 49,000 children under two receiving catch-up vaccinations, with coverage exceeding 80 per cent. BCG vaccinations rose from 37,471 in 2024 to 47,556 in 2025.
It was an enormous public health enterprise, run over several months, involving thousands of workers and protecting nearly every child in Gaza from paralysis.
That is the physical reality of what Israel enabled: the children it was supposedly trying to destroy were repeatedly protected against a disease that could disable or kill them.
A coherent programme of genocide cannot be inferred by treating every Israeli action that preserved Palestinian life as irrelevant.
The birth figures deepen the problem for the accusation. A reconstruction using Gaza Ministry of Health and civil registration records suggests approximately 12,000 babies were born during the final quarter of 2023, around 38,000 during 2024, 49,267 live births during 2025, and roughly 21,000 so far in 2026. The latest portion is necessarily estimated because complete July and August registrations have not yet been published.
Many babies born during the first months had been conceived before 7 October. That explanation expired nine months into the war. Tens of thousands of children were subsequently conceived and delivered while Israel supposedly pursued the biological destruction of Gaza.
Births fell below their pre-war level, hardly surprising amid displacement and combat. Miscarriages, premature births and maternal complications also rose. Nothing about those conditions was humane or desirable.
However, the comparison remains devastating. Approximately 121,000 live births against just over 73,000 reported direct war deaths leaves a difference approaching 48,000. The number killed includes combatants as well as civilians, of course.
Gaza’s overall resident population fell because the calculation includes outward migration, the missing and other demographic changes. The Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics estimates that around 100,000 people left Gaza during the war. A decline driven substantially by people leaving a war zone cannot simply be relabelled as physical destruction.
No Israeli advocate needs to pretend that civilian life in Gaza was tolerable. It was an urban war fought against an enemy dug into hundreds of miles of tunnels beneath neighbourhoods, hospitals, schools and camps. Hamas designed that battlefield to make civilian deaths unavoidable and politically useful.
Israel issued evacuation warnings, created corridors and humanitarian zones, admitted food and medicine, coordinated medical evacuations, paused military operations and enabled almost 600,000 Palestinian children to receive repeated protection against polio. Around 121,000 babies were born during the war, far exceeding the reported direct death toll.
The genocide allegation survives only by declaring every piece of exculpatory evidence meaningless. Births supposedly tell us nothing. Vaccinations tell us nothing. Food deliveries tell us nothing. Humanitarian pauses tell us nothing. Failed famine predictions tell us nothing. The absence of measured famine mortality tells us nothing.
Such reasoning insulates the genocide accusation from reality. Every Palestinian death becomes proof of genocide, while every Palestinian life preserved through Israeli cooperation is dismissed as public relations.
The simpler explanation: Israel fought a devastating war against Hamas, accepting extraordinary military and political costs while repeatedly undertaking measures to preserve Palestinian civilian life. Those measures were imperfect and sometimes failed, as measures do in war.
Gaza’s own birth records, vaccination figures and famine evidence have hollowed out the allegations. A country attempting to destroy a people does not enable more than 120,000 births, facilitate 1.7 million childhood vaccine doses and support humanitarian operations feeding virtually the entire population.
That is war, with all its brutality and tragedy. It is not genocide.
NEW FOOTAGE from the anti-American stream attended by several DSA-aligned politicians and influencers.
"The Democratic Party has to be ripped out... we can actually start to grab hold of the ship of state and steer it our direction, but it's going to be a violent process."
@krystalball@EmmaVigeland@OliverALarkin
Marco Rubio on Israel:
"Israel's wealth lay not under the ground, but in its people, the Jewish people, who made the desert bloom into a high-tech superpower."
God bless you, @SecRubio 🙏🇺🇸🇮🇱
Every country that thought Iran would “come good” got played, says Scott Morrison (@ScoMo30). Israel knew better-and so, he argues, does Trump.
Straight talk, no hedging, from a former PM who’s been consistent on issues relating to the middle east-credit to @Erin_Molan too for giving him the room to say it plainly.
His conversation on Iran, Trump, and moral clarity in the Middle East is worth the watch. ⬇️
"Avant de quitter mon poste de chef des services de renseignements roumains pour l'Amérique, j'étais chargé de remettre à Arafat environ 200 000 dollars en espèces blanchies chaque mois pendant les années 1970. J'envoyais également deux avions-cargos à Beyrouth par semaine, remplis d'uniformes et de fournitures. D'autres États du bloc soviétique ont fait à peu près la même chose....
On m'a remis le « dossier personnel » du KGB sur Arafat. C'était un bourgeois égyptien transformé en marxiste dévoué par les services de renseignements étrangers du KGB. Le KGB l'avait formé à son école d'opérations spéciales de Balashikha, à l'est de Moscou, et avait décidé, au milieu des années 60, de le préparer à devenir le futur chef de l'OLP. Tout d'abord, le KGB a détruit les registres officiels de la naissance d'Arafat au Caire et les a remplacés par des documents fictifs indiquant qu'il était né à Jérusalem et qu'il était donc Palestinien de naissance.
Le département de désinformation du KGB a ensuite travaillé sur le tract de quatre pages d'Arafat intitulé « Falastinuna » (Notre Palestine), le transformant en un magazine mensuel de 48 pages pour l'organisation terroriste palestinienne al-Fatah. Arafat dirigeait al-Fatah depuis 1957. Le KGB le distribue dans tout le monde arabe et en Allemagne de l'Ouest, qui accueille à l'époque de nombreux étudiants palestiniens....
Arafat était un agent secret important pour le KGB. Juste après la guerre israélo-arabe des six jours de 1967, Moscou l'a nommé président de l'OLP. C'est le dirigeant égyptien Gamal Abdel Nasser, une marionnette soviétique, qui a proposé cette nomination. En 1969, le KGB a demandé à Arafat de déclarer la guerre au « sionisme impérial » américain lors du premier sommet de l'Internationale du terrorisme noir, une organisation néo-fasciste pro-palestinienne financée par le KGB et le Libyen Moammar Kadhafi. Le cri de guerre impérialo-sioniste a tellement plu à Arafat qu'il a prétendu plus tard l'avoir inventé. Mais en fait, le « sionisme impérial » est une invention de Moscou, une adaptation moderne des « Protocoles des Sages de Sion », et depuis longtemps l'outil favori des services secrets russes pour fomenter la haine ethnique. Le KGB a toujours considéré l'antisémitisme et l'anti-impérialisme comme une source abondante d'anti-américanisme....
En mars 1978, j'ai secrètement amené Arafat à Bucarest pour qu'il reçoive les dernières instructions sur la façon de se comporter à Washington. « Vous n'avez qu'à continuer à prétendre que vous allez rompre avec le terrorisme et que vous allez reconnaître Israël - encore et encore et encore », lui a dit Ceausescu pour la énième fois.... " (M. Pacepa est l'officier de renseignement le plus haut gradé à avoir fait défection de l'ancien bloc soviétique. Auteur de « Red Horizons » (Regnery, 1987)
Mosab Hassan Yousef, son of Hamas founder, triggered absolute hysteria among pro-Palestinian students at Oxford — simply by telling the truth about his father’s terrorist organization.
Why is hating Jews so fun?
Antisemitism offers revelation, moral certainty, and even a sense of belonging. That's what has made it so psychologically rewarding for centuries.
In the social media age, the pleasures of the mob have never been more accessible.
https://t.co/7UiNjGzS8E
There is a history lesson that the British Museum might usefully teach, were it still in the business of teaching history rather than surrendering it to the heckler’s veto.
It goes like this: when a society can no longer protect its Jews in the public square, cannot guarantee that a talk about ancient archaeology will not be shut down by a mob, it has already lost something foundational. The Jews are not the only ones who should be alarmed. They are simply the first.
Yesterday the British Museum, founded in 1753, repository of civilisation's deepest memory, cancelled a Jewish Culture Month event on the kingdoms of Ancient Israel and Judah. Not because the content was controversial. Not because the speaker, Dr Paul Collins, was provocative. But because a "significant number" of registered attendees had pre-planned to disrupt it. The bullies, in other words, didn't even need to show up. The threat alone was sufficient. The institution folded. A talk about archaeology, about pottery and inscriptions from a civilisation nearly three thousand years old, was considered too dangerous to host.
Let that sink in. This is Britain in 2026.
The museum's statement was a masterpiece of institutional euphemism. It spoke of its “responsibility to ensure that events hosted within the Museum can proceed safely.” It noted, with some delicacy, its commitment to "freedom of expression in a democratic society." What it did not say - what it could not quite bring itself to say - is that a group of activists committed to the erasure of any Jewish connection to the land of Israel decided that even academic archaeology was an affront, and that rather than face them down, Britain's foremost cultural institution chose to stand aside.
This is not a security decision. It is a political one. And it carries a clear message: that organised intimidation works.
Worse still, it is not even an isolated incident. Last year, the Russell-Cotes Museum in Bournemouth postponed an exhibition on Jewish life in the town, citing “security concerns” and what it called a “sensitive time.” The exhibition, funded by the National Heritage Lottery Fund, celebrating a century and a half of Jewish community life, was quietly shelved. It came after a Jewish man had been shot with an air rifle in Bournemouth's East Cliff neighbourhood and swastika graffiti had been painted on a local rabbi's home.
Then there was Edinburgh. Last summer, two Jewish comedians had their shows cancelled from the Edinburgh Festival Fringe after staff members raised "safety concerns". One of them, Philip Simon, said afterwards: "I am still processing the concept that in 2025 I can be cancelled just for being Jewish."
This is a story that Jews in this country have grown sickeningly familiar with. The language changes slightly each time - "security concerns," "sensitive period," "logistical challenges" - but the outcome is always the same: Jewish culture retreats and the mob advances.
And now the British Museum. The pattern is not coincidental. It is the incremental, bureaucratically managed exclusion of Jews from British public life - achieved not through legislation, not through violence, but through the quiet, cowardly calculation that accommodating the mob is less trouble than standing with the minority it targets.
"London is for everyone" - except, it appears, for Jewish Londoners who wish to attend a talk about ancient history without requiring a security cordon and police guard. "Antisemitism has no place here" - except, it seems, at public galleries, comedy and theatre venues, university campuses across London, and now the British Museum. When a city's most celebrated cultural institution cannot guarantee the safety of a lecture on ancient pottery, the mayor's solemn pledges ring not as reassurance but as insult.
The British Museum's statement said the decision was taken "to protect the event, not to diminish it." This is precisely the kind of sentence that tells you everything while appearing to say nothing. What the museum was actually protecting was not the event - which it cancelled - but itself: its staff, its management, its desire not to be in the newspapers for the wrong reasons. The result, of course, is that it is in the newspapers for the worst possible reason. The protesters won without stepping through the door. And the institution that holds the Rosetta Stone and the Elgin Marbles, that has survived the Blitz and two world wars and three centuries of global upheaval, has demonstrated that it cannot survive a vocal mob with bad intentions.
Public money flows generously to these institutions. If they cannot maintain a basic standard of intellectual courage in exchange for it - if they will cancel Jewish history at the first whiff of organised hostility - then serious questions about that compact are not only legitimate but urgent.
What is needed is not sympathy but spine. The British Museum should have taken the measures necessary - whatever they were - to allow the event to go ahead on the planned date. If it lacked the resources, it should have asked for them. If it lacked the legal tools, the Government should long since have provided them. The Director should have stood at the door, personally if necessary, and said: this institution does not negotiate with intimidation. Instead, it issued a statement of regret, rescheduled to a date yet to be confirmed and hoped the story would blow over.
My great-grandmother, Lily Ebert, survived Auschwitz. She spent the remainder of her long life trying to understand how a continent of supposedly civilised nations - with their museums, their universities, their cultural institutions - had permitted the systematic exclusion, humiliation, and ultimately murder of its Jews: one bureaucratic decision at a time, each supposedly reasonable in isolation, each contributing to a logic that ended in catastrophe. She did not ask future generations to simply remember. She asked them to act.
The British Museum will, no doubt, host the talk eventually. It will be rescheduled for a quieter moment, with more security, with fewer registered protestors, with a smaller Jewish audience too. It will be, in all the ways that matter, a diminished thing. And the people who believe that Jewish culture has no place in British public life will note that their tactics worked. And they will use them again.
Apparently, an indigenous band of only 340 people with an accumulated surplus of $62 MILLION needs EVEN MORE money for "equity" and "economic self-sufficiency."
Bruh...