The moral case for capitalism is that your life belongs to you. Your work, your savings and your plans donโt become somebody elseโs property because they have a moving speech about how theyโd use them.
@EricDLombardi Through progressive lens, all criminals are victims of some injustice which is far greater than the crimes they commit and so they deserve clemency. Youโre right in pointing out that in all this hyper focus on victimhood, the real victims become martyrs for the greater good.
Iโve increasingly come to worry about the rise of โjudicial nihilismโ (for lack of a better term) in Canada.
We have a justice system that spends enormous energy considering the personal circumstances of offenders, their rights, identities, mental health, and prospects for rehabilitation. Yet it seems unconcerned with the victims whose lives have been destroyed, or the public that must live with the consequences when dangerous individuals repeatedly reoffend.
I think we need to take judicial reform more seriously, rather than dismissing concerns about overreach and malfeasance as conservative fearmongering.
The more I look at recent cases (many highlighted by @sarkonakj) the more concerned I become that our institutions are losing sight of some basic moral values in justice.
Iโve been thinking about the
principles that should guide us to a more liberal, rules-based approach to criminal justice (Iโll admit that this is hardly new thinking, but I canโt remember the last time Iโve seen them laid out):
1. Justice should begin with victims, whose suffering should never become secondary to the circumstances of offenders.
2. Protecting the public from dangerous individuals must be a central responsibility of sentencing, and we should lean towards caution.
3. Punishment must be a meaningful deterrent and reflect the gravity of crimes. Some crimes warrant permanent imprisonment (if not capital punishment). Some crimes are so heinous that the mere prospect of rehabilitation should not be considered.
4. Repeat offenders should face dramatically greater consequences, including long-term incarceration or asylum to protect society. Nobody with dozens of separate criminal convictions should be roaming freely.
5. Mental illness should determine treatment and facility type, not reduce punishment. The bar for criminal non-responsibility should also be much higher than it is today.
6. Sentencing must apply to those convicted equally, based on actions and responsibility, not race, religion, cultural identity, immigration status etc. The rule of law should be non-discriminatory, the right time to address the โroot causesโ of crime and pursue social justice is before crime is committed.
7. Parliament needs to figure out how to reclaim its authority, with courts exercising much greater restraint in constitutional interpretations.
8. Judicial โindependenceโ must be balanced with meaningful accountability for serious failures and overreach. The judiciary is not supreme to legislature.
I worry that too many political leaders have become uncomfortable defending the very concepts of order, punishment and personal responsibility, as though doing so is somehow incompatible with liberal moral values.
They arenโt.
A liberal democracy has two fundamental obligations. To protect people from the arbitrary exercise of government power, and to protect them from the violence and predation of others.
We cannot fulfill one by neglecting the other. They are together the necessary preconditions for liberty.
When the public sees rulings that seem fundamentally disconnected from shared expectations of right and wrong, it erodes trust in the system.
Order and public safety are necessary conditions for freedom.
The freedom to walk down the street, take public transit, operate a business or simply live peacefully in your own home means little if the government cannot protect you from disorder, violence and criminality. Itโs often those with the fewest resources who suffer most when that protection fails.
If we want Canadians to have faith in the rule of law, they need to believe that it applies equally, that serious wrongdoing carries serious consequences, that dangerous people will not repeatedly be allowed to victimize others, and that the system will not be careless with the lives and suffering of victims.
For 26 years, my husband and I owned and operated a dental practice, and we NEVER discussed politics or religion with our patients. It was simply taught to us as good business sense. We had plenty of patients whose political beliefs were wildly different from ours and occasionally one would launch into a political rant right there in our chair. Weโd politely listen, nod, and say nothing.
When did business owners lose sight of this basic principle? Your customers donโt need to know your political beliefs, and you certainly donโt need to alienate half of them by broadcasting yours. Youโre free to express your opinions of course, but why are so many business owners genuinely shocked when their customers exercise that same freedom by taking their business elsewhere?
Ah. So they DO have a line you canโt cross.
Same thing in any classroom or school.
There is always a line.
The question is where you draw it.
The Louvre is where France chose to draw the line.
๐จ๐งต ๐๐ฎ๐ป๐ฎ๐ฑ๐ฎโ๐ ๐ก๐๐ช โ๐๐ฎ๐ฏ๐ผ๐๐ฟ ๐ ๐ฎ๐ฟ๐ธ๐ฒ๐ ๐๐ป๐๐ฒ๐ด๐ฟ๐ฎ๐๐ถ๐ผ๐ปโ is NOT Just ๐๐ป๐ผ๐๐ต๐ฒ๐ฟ ๐๐บ๐บ๐ถ๐ด๐ฟ๐ฎ๐๐ถ๐ผ๐ป ๐ฆ๐ฐ๐ฎ๐บ ๐ถ๐ป ๐๐ต๐ฒ ๐ ๐ฎ๐ธ๐ถ๐ป๐ด? ๐จ๐ฆ๐ฐ
How could the proposed 150 CRS โLabour Market Integrationโ system become ๐ฎ๐ป ๐ฒ๐๐ฒ๐ป ๐ฏ๐ถ๐ด๐ด๐ฒ๐ฟ ๐ณ๐ฟ๐ฎ๐๐ฑ ๐ฟ๐ถ๐๐ธ than the infamous 50-point LMIA scandal?
This could prove to be ๐ผ๐ป๐ฒ ๐ผ๐ณ ๐๐ต๐ฒ ๐บ๐ผ๐๐ ๐ฑ๐ฎ๐บ๐ฎ๐ด๐ถ๐ป๐ด ๐ฝ๐ผ๐น๐ถ๐ฐ๐ ๐ฑ๐ฒ๐ฐ๐ถ๐๐ถ๐ผ๐ป๐ ๐ถ๐ป ๐๐ฎ๐ป๐ฎ๐ฑ๐ถ๐ฎ๐ป ๐ถ๐บ๐บ๐ถ๐ด๐ฟ๐ฎ๐๐ถ๐ผ๐ป ๐ต๐ถ๐๐๐ผ๐ฟ๐.
๐จ๐ฆ Immigration Minister @LenaMetlegeDiab risks undoing years of efforts to restore integrity and public confidence in Canadaโs immigration system.
๐๐ฒ๐ฟ๐ฒโ๐ ๐๐ต๐. 1/5๐