DIRECTORATE OF STATE (DOS) WEEKLY ADDRESS
By Mazi Chris Nwaọgụ Head of the Fourth Administration, Directorate of State (DOS) Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB)
Date: Sunday, 25 October 2026
1. Core Mandate and Judicial Obstruction
The primary focus of this Directorate remains absolute and unshakeable: the immediate, unconditional release of Onyendu Mazi Nnamdi Kanu and the full restoration of Biafra. Every other matter is secondary.
Biafrans, the deliberate subversion of the judicial system by the APC-led federal government has reached an unprecedented level of absurdity. The world must understand that we are dealing with two distinct acts of judicial sabotage designed to keep Onyendu in perpetual, unlawful captivity:
The Missing File at the FCT High Court: Two weeks ago, the suit regarding Onyendu’s illegal detention without trial for 14 months—following his discharge by the Court of Appeal on 13 October 2022—came up for hearing. The presiding judge announced that the entire court file was "missing." A court file concerning 14 months of illegal state detention does not simply vanish; this is a desperate tactic to evade legal accountability for his fundamental rights violations.
The Refusal to List the Court of Appeal Case: Entirely separate from the fundamental rights suit, Onyendu’s legal team filed an appeal challenging Justice Omotosho’s sham conviction of 20 November 2025. Despite the record of appeal being compiled and transmitted, the Court of Appeal has deliberately refused to list the matter for hearing. The state has filed no respondent's brief and remains silent because it cannot defend a conviction built on a repealed law.
A Conviction Standing on Nothing: Section 36(12) of the Nigerian Constitution remains unbroken: no written law in force defining an offense and prescribing a penalty means no valid conviction. Omotosho himself acknowledged this foundational principle in open court, only to ignore his own words 16 days later. It is typical of the APC regime to subvert the rule of law by insisting that Omotosho enter judgment based on a law that does not exist.
A government that hides court files and fears its own Court of Appeal has lost all legal and moral legitimacy. Show us the law, list the appeal, and hear it in open court.
2. Rejection of Fake Sit-at-Home Rumors (Security Warning)
Biafrans both at home and in the diaspora must take note of a critical warning regarding propaganda designed to destabilize our region:
False Flag Operation: A purported audio message circulating online claiming the return of enforced Monday sit-at-home is completely false. This is another APC-inspired false flag operation intended to create panic, target our region, and unleash mayhem on our people.
No Sanction from IPOB: No enforced sit-at-home has been ordered or sanctioned by this IPOB Directorate of State (DOS) or the High Command of the Eastern Security Network (ESN).
Strict Warning: Any individual or group caught attempting to enforce any unauthorized sit-at-home will be decisively dealt with. Our objective is to ensure that Biafraland remains peaceful and secure.
3. Rejection of Political Compromise and Errand Boys Syndrome in Igboland
The APC regime relies on local errand boys to hoodwink our people into believing Justice Omotosho’s sham conviction is the final chapter.
The Disgrace of Compromised Leaders: The public humiliations suffered by these actors—from Hope Uzodinma being locked outside an Aso Rock meeting to Dave Umahi having his microphone seized in Kaduna—demonstrate their complete lack of honor.
Soludo’s Inevitable Fall: Soludo's humiliation is coming. History bears witness to how Rochas Okorocha was used and brutally humiliated by the APC after years of dedicated service when he abandoned APGA for the party of bondage. Exactly what happened to Rochas shall befall Soludo.
A Natural Enemy: The APC is a natural-born enemy of the Igbo race.
4. Strategic Non-Partisanship and Foreign Calculations
I strongly condemn the unjust life imprisonment of ABEL ONYEDIKACHI UGWUOKE, following his 5-year secret and inhuman detention at Wawa barracks for alleged membership of IPOB, not for any act of violence or terror.
Abel was convicted and sentenced despite the mental health challenges he developed from the trauma of his lengthy and inhuman detention.
Abel’s case is another human tragedy that directly results from the misguided and vicious law enforcement tactics that have been directed against the people of Southeast for over a decade.
As lawyers hanker down to battle this menace within the frustrating limits of the judiciary, I urge all men and women of goodwill to continue to publicly speak out against these injustices until the right thing is done.
“Why you de slap me. You say make I give you N200, for what”
Can anybody explain this commotion involving uniformed armed men? They appear agitated and appear in some kind of heated conflict with the angry voice in the background.
I posted this trending video of Nigerian Army’s horrific public torture of these hapless Igbo youths in 2017 to underscore the following facts:
1, Any Igbo who viewed this video (and they’re in the millions) felt vicariously traumatized. Even foreigners felt the same way.
2, The video did so much to alienate Ndigbo, especially the youths from the Nigerian Army.
3, Without more, the video became an instant recruitment windfall for the Biafran agitation.
4, The video evidenced the sharp contrast with how Boko Haram members are treated respectfully, deemed rehabilitated, given lots of money, and then reintegrated into the society.
5, The failure of the authorities to bring these soldiers to account left the impression that the authorities were complicit.
6, The video did more damage to the Nigerian unity these soldiers thought they were defending.
This is the story of how Prof. Catherine Acholonu was able to trace the family of Olaudah Equiano all the way to Iseke in Anambra State.
It’s a story that will take you back almost 300 years ago when a young Igbo boy was snatched from his ancestral roots and sold into slavery.
But Olaudah self-educated himself, and wrote a book that remains a bestseller to this day, helping scholars to understand the true human tragedy of slavery.
The Igbos have invested more in One Nigeria than any other group. They have left their homeland in the largest numbers, built businesses, markets, and communities across the North, West, and Middle Belt, and poured capital into cities where others merely reside.
In Lagos, Kano, Abuja, and elsewhere, Igbo enterprises are visible and substantial. By contrast, Yoruba, Hausa, and Fulani investments in the Southeast remain negligible, almost nonexistent.
A people who have staked so much on the Nigerian project deserve engagement, not persecution. When Igbos raise grievances - whether about marginalization, equity, or self determination - the proper response is dialogue, not proscription, not attritional law enforcement.
Lengthy imprisonments and repression do not silence legitimate demands; they amplify them. They convert agitators into symbols, deepen resentment, and make the case for agitation stronger and more mainstream.
A government that is guided by a keen sense of justice would recognize the unique sacrifice Igbos have made by investing in Nigeria (more than any other group) and treat their demands with the respect such sacrifice warrants.
By ALOY EJIMAKOR.
5. ASSOCIATION IS NOT TERRORISM
When prosecutors dropped the violent attack count against Paul Okechukwu and proceeded solely on "membership," they admitted they had zero evidence of violence. Jailing a human being for two decades for mere association—detached from any proven act of violence—is judicial violence.
6. A DIRECT WARNING TO DETAINEES: DO NOT PLEAD GUILTY UNDER COERCION
To every Igbo youth and Biafran activist languishing in the notorious Wawa Barracks or other secret detention facilities across the country: Do not succumb to psychological torture, starvation, or isolation by pleading guilty to crimes you did not commit.
The state's strategy is simple: break your spirit through indefinite, inhumane detention until a 20-year prison sentence feels like a relief compared to their dungeons. A coerced plea is not freedom—it is a trap that legalises your torment and cements your imprisonment.
Hold the line: Desperation does not validate a false confession, and psychological coercion voids any guilty plea under Section 36 of the Constitution.
Demand legal access: Refuse to sign pre-drafted admissions or accept plea bargains without independent, uncoerced legal counsel.
Force the state to prove its case: An executive designation is not proof of individual guilt. Make the prosecution discharge its heavy constitutional burden under a valid written law.
FIVE QUESTIONS THE BENCH CANNOT EVADE
How can the state rely on an ex parte order while ignoring Justice Nyako’s binding inter partes ruling that IPOB is lawful?
By what constitutional logic does a 14-day interim order become a permanent presumption of criminal guilt?
How can a conviction delivered under a repealed statute satisfy Section 36(12) of the Constitution?
Where is the written law converting peaceful advocacy or Biafran identity into a 20-year terrorist offence?
What specific, overt act of violence did Paul Okechukwu commit to justify stealing 20 years of his life?
A judge's gown does not elevate him above the Constitution, and labeling a movement "terrorist" does not suspend human rights.
The Constitution remains supreme. The law must prevail over political intimidation.
Christopher Chidera, Esq. Legal Practitioner & Public Interest Analyst
TWENTY YEARS FOR IPOB MEMBERSHIP: NIGERIA’S COURTS CANNOT TURN AN EX PARTE PROSCRIPTION ORDER INTO A LICENCE TO CRUSH BIAFRAN IDENTITY
By Christopher Chidera, Esq.
The sentencing of 48-year-old Paul Okechukwu to 20 years’ imprisonment by Justice Hauwa Yilwa of the Federal High Court in Abuja for alleged IPOB membership exposes a grotesque abuse of judicial power. It is a desperate, state-engineered campaign to criminalise political identity, bypass statutory rules of proof, and weaponise administrative labels to silence the Biafran self-determination movement.
The Abuja bench must answer one unassailable question: When did an un-appealed, procedurally defective, ex parte administrative order replace the constitutional requirement to prove a specific crime under a valid written law?
1. YOU CANNOT ERASE JUSTICE NYAKO’S BINDING RULING
On March 2, 2017, Justice Binta Nyako explicitly struck out six counts against Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, ruling firmly inter partes that IPOB was not an unlawful society. Months later, the state engaged in blatant forum shopping—running to Justice Abdul Abdu-Kafarati in a closed-door ex parte session to procure an administrative proscription order without putting IPOB on notice.
Burying an inter partes judicial determination under a one-sided administrative decree is not justice; it is political subjugation.
2. AN EX PARTE ORDER IS NOT A CONSTITUTIONAL BLANK CHEQUE
Under Order 26, Rule 12 of the Federal High Court Rules, an ex parte order is a temporary emergency measure with a strict 14-day lifespan. Transforming a two-week interim procedural order into a permanent, 20-year penal trap violates basic civil procedure and Section 36 of the 1999 Constitution:
Status is not conduct: Proscription regulates an organization's administrative status; it is not proof of individual guilt.
No shortcuts on proof: An executive label does not relieve the state of proving an overt criminal act against a living defendant.
3. KANU’S APPELLANT BRIEF GUT-DOCKS COUNT THREE
Mazi Nnamdi Kanu’s 22-ground Appellant Brief guts the foundation of these prosecutions:
Lack of Presidential Authority: The proscription order failed to satisfy basic statutory prerequisites—a principle reinforced by Justice James Omotosho himself in MultiChoice Nigeria Ltd v. FCCPC, where he held that statutory powers vested in a specific authority cannot be bypassed or assumed without explicit compliance with condition precedents.
Ex Parte Cannot Defeat Inter Partes: A closed-door administrative order cannot override an existing, binding judgment.
Pending Apex Review: Rushing lower courts to hand down maximum sentences while the Supreme Court is actively seized of the proscription’s legality proves the regime is in a frantic race to silence dissent before its legal house of cards collapses.
4. CONVICTING UNDER A DEAD LAW
Justice James Omotosho’s November 20, 2025 judgment against Nnamdi Kanu set a lawless precedent by convicting him under the Terrorism (Prevention) (Amendment) Act 2013—a statute expressly repealed by the 2022 Act.
Now, Justice Hauwa Yilwa has recycled that exact constitutional illegality to sentence Paul Okechukwu to 20 years in prison under Section 16 of the same dead 2013 Act.
Section 36(12) of the 1999 Constitution strictly prohibits convicting any person under a non-existent written law. A general statutory savings clause preserves pending proceedings and accrued liabilities; it does not resurrect a dead penal statute to serve as the operative legal basis for a conviction. Delivering two-decade prison sentences on the skeleton of an expired statute is an outright nullity.
@njcNig@FederalHigh@NigerianBarz@NigBarAssoc@NGRSenate@IBAnews@StateDept@USinNigeria@FCDOGovUK@UKinNigeria@UNHumanRights@UN@HumanRightsCtte@downingstreet@officialABAT@SwissMFA@amnesty@AmnestyNigeria
Join me in demanding justice for ATIKU ABUBAKAR ISAH, former President of the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS).
According to a post by Omoyele Sowore, Isah was yesterday “remanded in Keffi prison and BRUTALIZED after arraignment following what was a highly questionable arraignment over cybercrime allegations.”
Isah is someone I know very well, and I can vouch for him any day as a law-abiding citizen who is often targeted for fighting injustice in high places.
I recall his recent visit to MAZI NNAMDI KANU in Sokoto, and his abiding solidarity with #MNK from when he was detained at the DSS.
He had also publicly supported the calls to #FreeNnamdiKanu on several occasions.
A friend in need, is a friend indeed.
Isah deserves our support and solidarity in this hour of need.
#FreeAtikuAbubakarIsah.
MY LORD, YOU ARE BIASED:
When a self-represented defendant in a capital case openly accuses the judge of bias amid a courtroom confrontation between them, the safer course under Nigerian law is to adjourn, not rush conviction of the defendant on the same day.
PAUL OKECHUKWU, an Igbo man whose only proven offence was confessing membership of IPOB, has been condemned to 20 years in prison. Paul never killed anyone. He never attacked security forces. The sole count linking him to violence was withdrawn and struck out.
Conversely, Boko Haram fighters who massacred thousands (soldiers, police, and civilians alike) are “rehabilitated,” handed money, vocational training, and reintegrated into the society,
So, for merely associating with a “proscribed” group, Paul received a sentence many actual killers never face. This is not law or justice; it is pure ethnic persecution dressed as counter-terrorism.
When those who slaughtered security agents are rewarded with second chances while a non-violent Igbo is buried in a prison cell for 20 long years, the Nigerian state is deliberately pushing the Igbo further from the federation.
Such a brazen double standard does not preserve unity; it destroys it and fuels the very demand for self-determination the State aims to suppress. It is indeed a double whammy, and a provocation to boot.
By ALOY EJIMAKOR.
If they blame IGBOS for fake products, who gets blamed for these?👇🏽
. Large-scale banditry, mass kidnappings for ransom, and rural terrorism concentrated in the Northwest and parts of the North-Central.
. Oil bunkering, pipeline vandalism, and resource-related militancy centered in the Niger Delta.
. Persistent ethno-religious conflicts and reprisal killings that have devastated Middle Belt farming communities.
. Extremism and insurgency (Boko Haram and its offshoots) that originated and remain most entrenched in the Northeast.
To be sure, all these problems, including fake products, are driven by governance failures, economic desperation, weak institutions, and individual human dispositions, not by some tribal conspiracy to go rogue.
But if anybody insists on scapegoating Ndigbo alone for the proliferation of fake products, let the scapegoating go round to the other ills that convulse Nigeria the more, and which are generally not associated with Igbos.
In the end, it shall be clear that we all live in glass houses.
By ALOY EJIMAKOR.
It doesn't matter when you were appointed to a position in IPOB. Once you are removed or stop being loyal, you get out.
It was Mazi Nnamdi Kanu I trusted before giving my intellect and wisdom towards freedom, not you. So get out.