Someone wrote a lengthy plea to Tengku Mukhriz to step down. He says it's important for Mukhriz to be magnanimous.
No, the Tengku must stay put. No Ruler, whether hereditary or elected, can be dismissed without cause. Just cause
This is the right time to be steadfast in defending the state Constitution
BREAKING: IRANIAN PRESIDENT PEZESHKIAN:
“Confronting major challenges without enduring hardships is impossible.
Crossing this rugged and winding path is only possible through public awareness and cooperation.
We must explain the existing realities to the people so that all segments of society participate in solving problems.
This shared pain will never be healed separately.”
🚨 BREAKING:
Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian:
We have entered a new phase of the war. Tehran has finished its stockpile of old missiles, and now the true technology of the Islamic Republic will be revealed. From now on, Kheibar Shekan-4 missiles will be launched towards the Gulf and the Middle East, and intensively towards Israel and the American forces deployed in the region.
Everyone who has chosen to stand against Iran will bear the consequences in the coming hours.
This is what happens when a Call of Duty loadout, a LinkedIn bio, and a ChatGPT prompt have a baby.
Point by point, let’s burn this to the ground:
1. “I infiltrated Signal groups”
No screenshots. No logs. No leaks. No arrests.
“Infiltration” without receipts is just lying on the internet with confidence.
2. Buzzwords aren’t evidence
C2. OPSEC. SALUTE. Center of gravity. Phase one.
Congrats, you learned the glossary. Stringing doctrine terms together doesn’t magically turn Twitter rumors into intelligence.
3. Fake specificity is the tell
“1,000-member caps per zone.”
“24/7 dispatch nodes.”
“Daily deletions.”
That’s not proof — that’s fanfic world-building. AI does this. So do grifters.
4. Iraq and Afghanistan comparisons are a joke
Minneapolis is not Anbar.
Protesters are not insurgents.
If your framework works equally well for Minneapolis, Mos Eisley, and a Netflix military thriller, it’s trash analysis.
5. ‘Teachers providing cover’ is propaganda
No names. No incidents. No documentation.
Just a vague smear meant to dehumanize civilians so future crackdowns feel justified.
6. Real insurgencies don’t debut on Twitter
They show up as indictments, sealed warrants, wiretaps, and federal raids.
If this were real, the DOJ wouldn’t be watching a 🧵 like it’s breaking news.
7. The cinematic ending gives it away
“This isn’t politics anymore.”
“Phase one.”
“Information war.”
That’s not intelligence — that’s a movie trailer voiceover.
Bottom line:
This isn’t counterinsurgency analysis.
It’s Tropic Thunder for MAGA — dudes in war cosplay screaming “You don’t know what real combat is!” while posting AI-polished fear porn for clicks.
No evidence.
No credibility.
Just cosplay, paranoia, and a desperate need to feel important.
As a former Special Forces Warrant Officer with multiple rotations running counterinsurgency ops—both hunting insurgents and trying to separate them from sympathetic populations—I’ve seen organized resistance up close. From Anbar to Helmand, the pattern is familiar: spotters, cutouts, dead drops (or modern equivalents), disciplined comms, role specialization, and a willingness to absorb casualties while bleeding the stronger force slowly.
What’s unfolding in Minneapolis right now isn’t “protest.” It’s low-level insurgency infrastructure, built by people who’ve clearly studied the playbook.
Signal groups at 1,000-member cap per zone. Dedicated roles: mobile chasers, plate checkers logging vehicle data into shared databases, 24/7 dispatch nodes vectoring assets, SALUTE-style reporting (Size, Activity, Location, Unit, Time, Equipment) on suspected federal vehicles. Daily chat rotations and timed deletions to frustrate forensic recovery. Vetting processes for new joiners. Mutual aid from sympathetic locals (teachers providing cover, possible PD tip-offs on license plate lookups). Home-base coordination points. Rapid escalation from observation to physical obstruction—or worse.
This isn’t spontaneous outrage. This is C2 (command and control) with redundancy, OPSEC hygiene, and task organization that would make a SF team sergeant nod in recognition. Replace “ICE agents” with “occupying coalition forces” and the structure maps almost 1:1 to early-stage urban cells we hunted in the mid-2000s.
The most sobering part? It’s domestic. Funded, trained (somewhere), and directed by people who live in the same country they’re trying to paralyze law enforcement in. When your own citizens build and operate this level of parallel intelligence and rapid-response network against federal officers—complete with doxxing, vehicle pursuits, and harassment that’s already turned lethal—you’re no longer dealing with civil disobedience. You’re facing a distributed resistance that’s learned the lessons of successful insurgencies: stay below the kinetic threshold most of the time, force over-reaction when possible, maintain popular support through narrative, and never present a single center of gravity.
I spent years training partner forces to dismantle exactly this kind of apparatus. Now pieces of it are standing up in American cities, enabled by elements of local government and civil society. That should keep every thinking American awake at night.
Not because I want escalation. But because history shows these things don’t de-escalate on their own once the infrastructure exists and the cadre believe they’re winning the information war.
We either recognize what we’re actually looking at—or we pretend it’s still just “activism” until the structures harden and spread.
Your call, America. But from where I sit, this isn’t January 2026 politics anymore.
It’s phase one of something we’ve spent decades trying to keep off our own soil.
$BTC consolidates after rejection from the upper-$90Ks as momentum cools and RSI slips back into neutral. Price remains range-bound across the mid-$80Ks to low-$90Ks, signalling a pause in directional conviction.
Read more in this week’s Market Pulse
https://t.co/Zx3MdGrHeg
I would like to clarify a few things.
First, the obvious one: we do not have or want government guarantees for OpenAI datacenters. We believe that governments should not pick winners or losers, and that taxpayers should not bail out companies that make bad business decisions or otherwise lose in the market. If one company fails, other companies will do good work.
What we do think might make sense is governments building (and owning) their own AI infrastructure, but then the upside of that should flow to the government as well. We can imagine a world where governments decide to offtake a lot of computing power and get to decide how to use it, and it may make sense to provide lower cost of capital to do so. Building a strategic national reserve of computing power makes a lot of sense. But this should be for the government’s benefit, not the benefit of private companies.
The one area where we have discussed loan guarantees is as part of supporting the buildout of semiconductor fabs in the US, where we and other companies have responded to the government’s call and where we would be happy to help (though we did not formally apply). The basic idea there has been ensuring that the sourcing of the chip supply chain is as American as possible in order to bring jobs and industrialization back to the US, and to enhance the strategic position of the US with an independent supply chain, for the benefit of all American companies. This is of course different from governments guaranteeing private-benefit datacenter buildouts.
There are at least 3 “questions behind the question” here that are understandably causing concern.
First, “How is OpenAI going to pay for all this infrastructure it is signing up for?” We expect to end this year above $20 billion in annualized revenue run rate and grow to hundreds of billion by 2030. We are looking at commitments of about $1.4 trillion over the next 8 years. Obviously this requires continued revenue growth, and each doubling is a lot of work! But we are feeling good about our prospects there; we are quite excited about our upcoming enterprise offering for example, and there are categories like new consumer devices and robotics that we also expect to be very significant. But there are also new categories we have a hard time putting specifics on like AI that can do scientific discovery, which we will touch on later.
We are also looking at ways to more directly sell compute capacity to other companies (and people); we are pretty sure the world is going to need a lot of “AI cloud”, and we are excited to offer this. We may also raise more equity or debt capital in the future.
But everything we currently see suggests that the world is going to need a great deal more computing power than what we are already planning for.
Second, “Is OpenAI trying to become too big to fail, and should the government pick winners and losers?” Our answer on this is an unequivocal no. If we screw up and can’t fix it, we should fail, and other companies will continue on doing good work and servicing customers. That’s how capitalism works and the ecosystem and economy would be fine. We plan to be a wildly successful company, but if we get it wrong, that’s on us.
Our CFO talked about government financing yesterday, and then later clarified her point underscoring that she could have phrased things more clearly. As mentioned above, we think that the US government should have a national strategy for its own AI infrastructure.
Tyler Cowen asked me a few weeks ago about the federal government becoming the insurer of last resort for AI, in the sense of risks (like nuclear power) not about overbuild. I said “I do think the government ends up as the insurer of last resort, but I think I mean that in a different way than you mean that, and I don’t expect them to actually be writing the policies in the way that maybe they do for nuclear”. Again, this was in a totally different context than datacenter buildout, and not about bailing out a company. What we were talking about is something going catastrophically wrong—say, a rogue actor using an AI to coordinate a large-scale cyberattack that disrupts critical infrastructure—and how intentional misuse of AI could cause harm at a scale that only the government could deal with. I do not think the government should be writing insurance policies for AI companies.
Third, “Why do you need to spend so much now, instead of growing more slowly?”. We are trying to build the infrastructure for a future economy powered by AI, and given everything we see on the horizon in our research program, this is the time to invest to be really scaling up our technology. Massive infrastructure projects take quite awhile to build, so we have to start now.
Based on the trends we are seeing of how people are using AI and how much of it they would like to use, we believe the risk to OpenAI of not having enough computing power is more significant and more likely than the risk of having too much. Even today, we and others have to rate limit our products and not offer new features and models because we face such a severe compute constraint.
In a world where AI can make important scientific breakthroughs but at the cost of tremendous amounts of computing power, we want to be ready to meet that moment. And we no longer think it’s in the distant future. Our mission requires us to do what we can to not wait many more years to apply AI to hard problems, like contributing to curing deadly diseases, and to bring the benefits of AGI to people as soon as possible.
Also, we want a world of abundant and cheap AI. We expect massive demand for this technology, and for it to improve people’s lives in many ways.
It is a great privilege to get to be in the arena, and to have the conviction to take a run at building infrastructure at such scale for something so important. This is the bet we are making, and given our vantage point, we feel good about it. But we of course could be wrong, and the market—not the government—will deal with it if we are.