Mensen zonder een coronatoegangsbewijs verloren niet alleen het vertrouwen in de overheid, maar ook in de veiligheid van de samenleving. Anderen lieten zich onder druk vaccineren en ervaren nu spijt. Deze gebeurtenissen laten een spoor van polarisatie en een dalende vaccinatiegraad achter.
Wanneer blijkt dat deze maatregel in ieder geval vanaf oktober 2021 geen enkele legitieme onderbouwing kende, zou dat op de voorpagina van elke krant moeten staan.
Eens met @JonaWalk
https://t.co/pCHMAVrsC2
A “Settler’s” Take on England’s Sanctions Against Jews
Britain has chosen a peculiar enemy. Not the Authority that pays stipends to murderers. Not the textbooks that teach children to hate Jews. Not the governments that torture their own critics, jail journalists, and treat the sale of land to a Jew as treason. London has decided that dates, avocados, and a few bottles of wine grown by Jews in Judea and Samaria are the crisis that requires a speech from the foreign secretary, the prime minister standing nearby, and a media tour to explain the courage of it all.
The boycott is being sold as law and as rescue of a two-state map. It is neither. It is a political performance aimed at a party conference and a by-election, dressed up as foreign policy. One British commentator put it plainly: the theater was written more for Holborn and St Pancras than for Haifa. The volume of produce at stake is small. Diplomats have even been telling other capitals not to treat the step as a rupture. Palestinian activists call it too little. Washington has barely shrugged. And still the statement was made, because Labour needed a louder line against Israel before Liverpool and before a seat it fears losing to the Greens.
That is not statesmanship. It is the oldest habit in British politics when domestic failure becomes uncomfortable: find the Jews and legislate against their presence in their own land.
The legal story London now recites would have surprised London’s own lawyers. In 1967 the Foreign Office’s legal adviser did not treat the armistice line as a sacred border. He wrote that Israel had a fair claim to adjustments beyond it, not merely as spoils of war. The line was a ceasefire, not a frontier of Jewish exile. Treating every Jewish home east of it as contraband rewrites that history and pretends an armistice is a verdict on who may live in Jerusalem’s Jewish Quarter, in Hebron, in the hills of Samaria.
Hebron should end the argument by itself. Jews lived there for generations beside the graves of the patriarchs. In 1929 they were massacred. In 1936 the British Mandate finished the work and emptied the city of its remaining Jews. Property was looted. The synagogue was wrecked. For thirty-one years the community was gone because it had been murdered and expelled. After 1967 Jews returned. Britain now treats that return as the offense. If massacre and expulsion can convert an ancient community into an “illegal” one, then terror has been rewarded and ethnic cleansing has been given a legal afterlife.
Jordan’s occupation from 1948 to 1967 did the same across Judea and Samaria: Jews were driven out, their holdings seized, and no compensation followed. When Israel took the land back in a war it did not start, the demand was not that stolen Jewish life be restored. The demand, then and now, is that Jews stay out. That is not international law. It is a rule written for one people.
The language that made this possible was built over decades. Disputed land became “occupied,” then “illegally occupied,” then a slogan so worn that politicians no longer ask what the Mandate actually said. Britain helped author that Mandate. It later carved Transjordan away. It now lectures the remnant on which side of an old ceasefire a Jew may farm. Israel’s public diplomacy let the vocabulary harden. The result is a public, including ministers, who believe a repetition is a fact.
E1 is the pretext of the week. London says a corridor that would keep Jerusalem tied to Maale Adumim would leave Palestinians with a strip too thin to live with. The same voices demand that Israel accept a waist of comparable width for millions of its own citizens. Narrowness is intolerable when it is theirs and required when it is ours. Construction decisions and planned roads that preserve travel between Palestinian towns were taken long before this announcement.
The claim that a twelve-kilometer stretch killed the two-state idea is theater. That idea was not murdered by housing. It was abandoned, again and again, by an Authority that chose incitement over reform, and by a diplomatic class that paid for the choice.
Europe already tried the other lever. It recognized a Palestinian state and waited for moderation, hostages, and an end to war. None arrived. The lesson drawn in London was not that empty recognition fails. The lesson was that Israel needed a “reset,” beginning with a ban on goods from Jewish towns. The foreign secretary found time to discuss the policy with Qatar. He did not find time to match the energy against pay-for-slay, against curricula that sanctify killing, against the absence of a Palestinian presidential vote since 2005, against corruption, against the silencing of the press. Those files produce no Commons statement and no supermarket ban.
The double standard is the policy. Britain funds and talks with an Authority whose own human-rights body records arbitrary arrest and torture. It watches personal-status laws that grind down women. It watches schools it helps underwrite teach martyrdom. It watches Hamas’s record in Gaza and still aims the economic weapon at Jewish farmers. Arabs already live as citizens inside Israel: voters, doctors, judges, property owners. The unaskable question is why a Jew may not live as a minority in any future Palestinian entity, and why a Palestinian who wishes to sell land to a Jew is treated as a traitor. A ban on Jewish produce answers that question without saying it: Jewish life east of the line is the problem to be managed.
The boycott will not do what its authors claim. It will not police crime. It will not conjure a diplomatic process that does not exist. It will not separate a lid made in one town from hummus packed in another. The economies are braided. Palestinian laborers work in those fields and plants. If the shelves in Britain go empty of that fruit, those workers lose wages first. Timing the move weeks before an Israeli election is not diplomacy. It is interference dressed as virtue, and it will be read inside Israel as proof that pressure from London is a reason to stand firmer, not to retreat.
There is a darker pattern as well. Economic isolation of Jews has never been a neutral tool. It has been the opening move of campaigns that begin with goods and end with people. When the punishment is detached from the stated goal, when only the Jewish state is treated this way, the historical warning is not hysteria.
I find this legislation despicable. I also notice something that matters more than Britain’s self-regard. For months too many Israelis and Jewish Zionists spent their energy on the inflated slander of “settler violence,” as if a sliver of criminality defined the hundreds of thousands of Jews raising children, teaching, farming, and building ordinary towns in Judea and Samaria. The slander was useful to people who needed a moral alibi for boycotts. It was never a description of those communities. Now, watching London put Jewish labor on a blacklist, many of those same voices have come back to the defense of our towns. That return is overdue. It should not have required a British edict.
Judea and Samaria are not a colonial nickname invented after 1967. They are the names of the Jewish heartland. Jews live there because the land is theirs by history, by law older than Labour’s press operation, and by the simple rule that a people is not required to stay expelled in order to please a foreign ministry. Britain may enjoy the applause in the hall. It will not decide who may plant a vineyard in Samaria or sell dates from the Jordan Valley. Those towns will remain. The Jews who built them will remain. The countries that confuse a grocery ban with justice will discover that they have measured themselves, not us.
“Een eerlijk proces”.
Houdt dat in dat:
Getuigen niet mogen getuigen?
Administratie achterover gedrukt wordt door het OM?
Tapgesprekken worden gemanipuleerd en niet juist weergegeven?
Eenzame opsluiting en wekenlang in alle beperkingen?
Als dat zo is had ik een eerlijk proces.
#klokkenluider #jeugdzorg
11 years ago, 21 Egyptian Copt Christians were beheaded by ISIS in Libya for refusing to convert to Islam.
Their last words were: “Jesus, I love you.”
Remember, no one marched for them.
No one protested for them!
🚩A year has passed since the massacre of the Druze in Suwayda and the Syrian regime is besieging them today, and the world is still silent because it is not Gaza.
#SaveSuwayda#SaveTheDruze
Achteraf bezien was het niet eens zo dat de gevestigde media hun masker lieten vallen. Het waren onze illusies over hun integriteit die niet meer houdbaar bleken.
Wie dat beseft, begrijpt waarom ons kritische rapport onder de tafel werd geveegd.
https://t.co/kjKX4PdCxk
🚨 HOLY SMOKES. Nate Friedman went to the mosque where NY Gov. Kathy Hochul wore a hijab and a man outside threatened to KlLL them
The place is FOREIGN-FUNDED
"Next time I'll pull my pistol out and SHOOT YOU!" 🤯
FRIEDMAN: "We have that on camera!"
Where's the police?!
Multiple Muslims IMMEDIATELY knew who he was and issued threats
They DESPERATELY did not want to be recorded.
This scene looks straight out of a third world country and it's terrifying. We should NOT allow this ideology to take root any further in America, and across the entire western world.
Look what happened to Ceuta. You start letting them in and they pillage the place.
CLOSE OFF THE 3RD WORLD and reclaim America! 🇺🇸
This is no different then the 1947 Partition of India to create Muslim Pakistan which displaced an estimated 12 to 15 million people and resulted in the deaths of roughly one million people.
But because it was to create a Muslim country, not a Jewish one, that's OK.
Having various opinions on @Israel is normal, but opinions should be fact-based. The host in a recent interview I did kept using term "illegal occupation" & I kept correcting her. I hope that host will watch this!
Hitler never identified as right-wing. He described National Socialism as transcending the left-right division, while mocking both sides. The reason people associate Nazism with the right is because the far left took over academia and uses it to demonize its opponents.