𝐌𝐢𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐚𝐫𝐲 𝐫𝐞𝐥𝐞𝐚𝐬𝐞𝐬 𝐯𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐨 𝐨𝐟 𝐎𝐲𝐨 𝐩𝐮𝐩𝐢𝐥𝐬, 𝐭𝐞𝐚𝐜𝐡𝐞𝐫𝐬' 𝐫𝐞𝐬𝐜𝐮𝐞 𝐨𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧
The Defence Headquarters has released a video showing how security operatives rescued the pupils and teachers abducted from Orire Local Government Area of Oyo State after more than 50 days in captivity.
Credit: X | Defence Headquarters
Kemi badenoch speaking Nigerian English and Yoruba saying she loves Nigeria during her father's funeral some years back. IN THIS SPEECH she declares her love for Nigeria but today because she wants to sound hardline to please her British conservative, her tone is different
“We will use this opportunity to thank our service commanders, the Nigerian police, DSS, the military, and of course, the president (Tinubu) for pushing really hard to get this done.”
- Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State reaction after the Release of Abductees
Is Makinde becoming a victim of good conscience amid ‘dirty’ political powerplay? Ibrahim Adekola
There is a popular Yoruba saying that when a man clears a bush where snakes once found comfort, he should expect the reptiles to hiss before they flee. Politics in Oyo State has never been for the faint-hearted.
It is a chessboard where friendships often expire at the doorstep of ambition, where yesterday’s ally can become today’s fiercest critic, and where loyalty sometimes lasts only as long as the aroma from a pot of fresh soup.
Since Nigeria returned to democratic rule in 1999, Oyo has remained one of the country’s most unpredictable political theatres where governments have come and gone, parties have changed colours like the chameleon perched on an iroko tree, yet one thing has remained stubbornly constant: politics has largely revolved around powerful personalities rather than enduring institutions.
More often than not, men have become bigger than the platforms that produced them, and political influence has outweighed any form of ideology for governance. This suffices to why some have continued to likened Oyo’s politics to ‘Amala and gbegiri’.
As another African proverb reminds us, “When the drummer changes his rhythm, the dancers must also change their steps.” The unfolding political drama surrounding Governor Seyi Makinde appears to be another chapter in this long story.
Yet this time, there is an unusual twist. Increasingly, there are arguments that the governor is being painted as the villain not because he has done everything wrong, but because his style of governance has unsettled those who grew fat under the old political order.
To understand today’s political turbulence, one must first understand yesterday’s footprints.
From the administration of Late Lam Adesina to Rashidi Ladoja, from Adebayo Alao-Akala to the late Abiola Ajimobi, Oyo politics has often resembled a marketplace where the loudest voice attracted the largest crowd.
Political parties were important, but influential individuals frequently became the real centres of gravity.
Lam Adesina carried the progressive torch handed down from the Awolowo political tradition, yet internal rivalries occasionally threatened to dim its flame.
Then came the turbulent years of Rashidi Ladoja and the late Chief Lamidi Adedibu, a period that taught Nigerians that when two elephants wrestle, it is the grass beneath that suffers most.
The impeachment saga remains one of the darkest reminders of how personality clashes can swallow democratic institutions whole.
Under Alao-Akala, grassroots politics flourished through expansive patronage networks.
The late Abiola Ajimobi later sought to strengthen governmental authority and reduce the influence of entrenched political power brokers.
Yet every administration discovered the same hard truth: dismantling old political habits is easier said than done.
Throughout these years, loyalty often belonged to individuals rather than institutions. Political tents were pitched around personalities, not principles. It was less about the constitution or good governance, and more about who controlled the political compass.
When Seyi Makinde emerged in 2019, he entered Government House carrying a different political script and singing a different song; “I don’t have a political godfather, God and the masses are my political godfathers”.
Unlike many before him, his rise was not woven around the traditional fabric of political godfatherism. His reputation rested more on private enterprise, relentless philanthropy and administrative competence than on inherited political structures.
From the outset, he attempted to move governance away from personality worship towards institutional development. Government policies gradually became louder than political slogans.
Performance indicators began to speak where propaganda once shouted.
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