This is the video that is paining Soludo 😭💔
He thought the shouts was because he come on stage to speak, not knowing it was because Peter Obi entered the hall. 💔😭
OKWUTE IS HIM 💪
To the leaders of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland who just signed the Cardiff self-determination pact: be careful. They will blockade your land and shoot down Red Cross aid planes to starve millions of your children to death before they give up control—all in the name of “unity.” They did it in Nigeria in the late 1960s. Don’t assume it couldn’t happen again.
Dear Ndigbo:
It’s time to end this public debate of who is IGBO or not, especially concerning the Ikwerre & other allied groups. It’s very embarrassing and pointless.
I am yet to see any debate about whether Yorubas in Kogi or Kwara are Yoruba or not. Ditto for the Hausa scattered in several States.
When time comes for reckoning (for good or bad), who is Igbo or not will become more self-evident and undeniable.
And this: That oil they accuse Ndigbo of being after, is already taken by others. It’s gone.
@ImoPoliceNG@PoliceNG@PoliceNG_CRU@CspIniedu@chekwube_henry Seriously Nigeria police is a very big disgrace and I’m very sure that this criminals also go free from any actions they take. Is better to have encounters with thieves than Nigeria police.
Nigeria’s Minister of Aviation (@fkeyamo) claims that our fight for the release of Nigerian President Bola Tinubu’s (@officialABAT) alleged heroin-trafficking records is a “storm in a teacup; journey to nowhere.” The world should then ask a simple question: Why then is a cabinet-level Nigerian Minister spending his time and effort rushing to respond to a small American lobbying firm?
The Nigerian Presidency is acting like a narco state, using the levers of the state to protect its alleged drug-dealing President, Bola #Tinubu, whom the @FBI alleges was part of a criminal organization that smuggled heroin from Nigeria into the United States during the 1980s and 1990s.
“Senior Nigerian Government Officials Rushing to Protect Their Alleged Drug-Trafficker President” is the title of our next briefing to the @realDonaldTrump Admin and Congress. We now see why the United States government views the Nigerian government as one of the most corrupt in the world. We are lobbyists and advocates. Our job is to build the case before the White House and Congress, increase U.S. public awareness, and keep members of Congress focused on the issue.
President #Tinubu and his enabling ministers are too incensed to realize that they walked into a trap. We believe the Nigerian government under President #Tinubu is a narco state, and the U.S. should ask: Why are South American drug traffickers flocking to Nigeria? Maybe the Minister of Aviation can help answer that question.
@realDonaldTrump@JDVance@SecRubio@SusieWiles47@StateDept@statedeptspox@TheJusticeDept@FBI@FBIDirectorKash@DEAHQ@HouseForeignGOP@HouseForeign@SFRCdems@SenateForeign@SenTedCruz@RepBrianMast@RepGregSteube@Jim_Jordan@HouseJudiciary@JudiciaryGOP@ChuckGrassley@SenatorDurbin
Unbelievable Video showing Reno Omokri saying There’s no difference between Tinubu and Hushpuppi, they are both thieves.
I think the world must see this video again. Tag Reno himself to see 👀👀
Today, our proposed amicus curiae filing was formally received by the Clerk of the United States District Court for the District of Columbia in Greenspan v. Executive Office for U.S. Attorneys et al. We ask the Court for permission to present an additional perspective on Nigerian President Bola Tinubu’s (@officialABAT) asserted privacy interests and the Nigerian Presidency’s extraordinary decision to issue an official Statehouse Statement publicly discussing the very FBI and DEA records President #Tinubu is asking a U.S. federal court to protect.
Our position is simple: you cannot have it both ways. You cannot invoke privacy before a United States federal court while using the power of the Nigerian Presidency to publicly characterize those same investigative records and tell the world what they supposedly contain. We are asking the Court to consider the Presidency’s own public actions when weighing President #Tinubu’s asserted privacy interests against the public’s legitimate interest in understanding what the @FBI, @DEAHQ, and @TheJusticeDept did in connection with these drug-trafficking investigative records.
We fully expect President Bola #Tinubu and the other parties to challenge this filing for one reason or another. That is entirely expected. Our primary objective is to ensure that the Court is made aware of the Nigerian Presidency’s public statement and our argument that it potentially weakens President Tinubu’s asserted claim of privacy. If the Court permits our amicus brief to be formally docketed and considered, we will welcome that decision. Regardless of the outcome of our motion, we have placed this significant development before the Court so that it can be considered, if the Court deems appropriate, when ruling on the issues before it.
@RepGregSteube@RepJames@Jim_Jordan@RepRaskin@FBIDirectorKash@ChuckGrassley@SenatorDurbin@HouseJudiciary@JudiciaryGOP@USAttyPirro@TheJusticeDept@FBI@DEAHQ@FoxNews@washingtonpost@joerogan@joeroganhq@seanhannity@IngrahamAngle@chicagotribune@nypost@nytimes
BBC: Britain’s Biased Coverage
Same script since Biafra. Now with a paid extra.
BBC Africa Eye just dropped Faith, Fear and Fake News — a 27-minute sermon telling you the Christian-genocide file in Nigeria is mostly activist hype, bad stats, and social-media panic. “Complex web.” “Both sides die.” “Governance failure.” Translation: stop looking at the pattern. Look at the “nuance.”
That is not a new discovery. That is the BBC’s house style.
The current cut
One of the loudest “I was there” voices selling the no-genocide line is photojournalist Philip “Flip” Holsinger. He was taken on a tour by  Nigerian security in armored vehicles, then told America the media had it wrong: harmony in the villages, Tinubu’s forces making “enormous strides,” activists the real problem. He left out the invoice.
FARA filings show DCI Group — the Washington lobby hired through by National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu — paid Holsinger $54,560 in January–March 2026 (“photography services,” retainer, expenses). Thirteen days after the second check, the Daily Caller piece landed. The Washington Examiner encore arrived in May: Don’t believe the activists: There is no ‘Christian genocide’ in Nigeria. DCI then cited that column in letters to Congress to defend Abuja.
Nigeria’s $9 million brief to DCI was explicit: communicate that the government is protecting Christians and keep U.S. support flowing. Holsinger was not a random freelancer who stumbled into the same conclusion. He was inventory. Bought and paid for.
The new BBC film performs the same argument for a global audience: pick apart Intersociety’s numbers, inflate the “fake news” frame, treat the genocide label as the threat. Abuja bought the talking points in Washington. The BBC packaged them as investigation.
Biafra: the original receipt
This is not a one-off. It is institutional memory.
July 1967. Frederick Forsyth arrives in Enugu as a BBC correspondent. London briefing comes from Gerald Watrous, head of the BBC West Africa Service — “obedient servant,” Forsyth later wrote, of the Commonwealth Relations Office, which swallowed every word from High Commissioner Sir David Hunt in Lagos. Hunt’s line: brilliant Federal army, two-to-four-week war, Ojukwu the problem. Hunt, Forsyth said, was a racist snob who liked Gowon because Gowon leapt to attention and loathed Ojukwu because he did not.
Forsyth filed what he saw: the “all-conquering march” was not happening. Hunt complained to the CRO. The CRO complained to the BBC. The BBC accused Forsyth of “pro-rebel bias” and recalled him. In February 1968 he walked out, “fed up with the slavishness of the BBC to Whitehall,” and went back on his own ticket.
John Simpson later bragged he helped get Forsyth sacked for slipping “Biafran propaganda” into copy. Forsyth’s version: he refused to read Whitehall fan fiction on air. Both versions agree on the machine. The man on the ground was the problem. The High Commission was the source.
People actually living inside Biafra said the same thing in real time. A 1969 Spectator letter from a British administrative officer’s wife in the East: BBC newsreel handed on Chief Enahoro’s denials of civilian bombing as fact while she had seen the craters in Aba, Umuahia, Orlu, Owerri, Awgu. “No conclusion is possible except that they were just aiming at the middle of the town.” The Africa Service, she and others wrote, refused for months even to use the word Biafra. Towns “fell” on BBC before Federal troops arrived. Collapse was always imminent. Gowon’s case was the default. Biafra’s was the claim.
The National Archives still hold the paper: FCO 26/305 and 26/306 — “BBC news reporting on Biafra with claims of inaccuracies and bias,” 1968–69. Not a tweet. A government file. When coverage slipped off the Federal line, Lagos and Whitehall noticed.
Meanwhile Britain was not a spectator. Wilson’s government kept the ammunition flowing — millions of rounds, Saladins, Saracens, mortars, artillery — while telling Parliament it was merely “reasonable quantities” to the legal government. Oil was the point. Shell-BP’s fields were in the East. One Nigeria was the doctrine.
An international observer team, assembled under British pressure, operated in Federal-held territory, declared “no genocide,” and gave Whitehall the quote it needed. It did not live in the enclave being starved. The genocide story, one British official later gloated, was “killed stone dead.” The children kept dying.
That is the pattern:
>London policy first. Language second. Bodies third.
The one time a BBC man slipped
June’s Surviving Biafra was not the same hatchet job as this week’s film. Biafran voices still tore into it — Federal family at the center, grandson of a 3 Marine Commando officer directing, language that kept sliding toward “rebels” and “separatists,” Asaba and Aburi and the blockade left too thin. Fair criticism. The film was a compromise object, not a confession.
The real detonation was not the archival footage. It was the interview with former BBC correspondent Martin Bell. On the corporation’s own program, Bell said the BBC had been “disrespectfully in the pocket of the British government,” and that British policy was driven by oil in the breakaway East. That is the quiet part. A brief moment of honesty from the British government’s house organ — then back to the hymn sheet.
This week’s film is the hymn sheet again. Question the count. Scold the witnesses. Bless the map.
Empire Service, 1932: built to project Britain into the colonies. World Service after that: still the voice that decides which African dead are a tragedy and which are a “narrative.” Nigeria’s unity, oil, and “stability” remain British interests.
So the reflex remains. In 1967 they recalled the reporter who would not recite Hunt’s brief. In 2026 they recycle Abuja’s lobby copy and call it an investigation.
They titled this one Fake News.
Correct. Just not in the direction they meant.
#EarthShaker
This Nigerian servicing in the US military challenges Nigerians to name one benefit of being a Nigerian living in Nigeria. If you stumble on this, this question is for you. Let’s hear the pros & cons.