Exposing Hamas’s Use of a Primary Gaza Hospital for Repression: Hamas’s intelligence and internal security services are in full fascist mode across the Gaza Strip, beating, interrogating, and threatening anyone they suspect may join the June 26 protests against their rule. A few friends of mine in Gaza City have already been summoned. They were told explicitly by al‑Qassam Brigades operatives, Hamas police, and internal security officers that if they post anything supportive of the protests on Facebook or offer any help to protestors, they will be executed under “revolutionary conditions” and treated as collaborators with Israel; no trial, no process, just immediate death.
And where were some of my friends interrogated, threatened, and placed on house arrest? Inside Al‑Ahli Arab Hospital or the Ma'amadani/Baptist Hospital in Gaza’s Zeitoun neighborhood. Yes, the same hospital that grabbed global headlines early in the war after a faulty Islamic Jihad rocket fell and caused an explosion, which killed hundreds of people. That hospital is now a central hub for Hamas’s intelligence, militancy, and internal repression.
This is criminal on every level. And it raises a basic question: if overwhelming, well‑corroborated evidence shows Hamas using Gaza’s medical facilities to hide among civilians and enforce its armed rule, violating the October 2025 ceasefire, why have the UN and international medical and humanitarian NGOs and charities remained silent? Why has no one suspended operations until Hamas withdraws from the hospitals they support?
I want every follower and every official who sees this to contact and tag the World Health Organization, UNICEF, UNRWA, the United Nations, Doctors Without Borders, the International Committee of the Red Cross, and any organization supplying Gaza’s hospitals. Demand that they confront Hamas’s presence in the Al-Ahli Arab Hospital/ Ma'amadani / Baptist Hospital and every facility they fund, staff, and sustain. Even though the Episcopal Church/Anglican Diocese of Jerusalem manages Al‑Ahli, every medical facility in Gaza depends on international aid, equipment, and expertise, during the war and even more so since the ceasefire.
It is time to get Hamas out of Gaza’s hospitals. It is time to support Gazans risking their lives to protest the Islamist fascists who have destroyed their society for twenty years. And it is time for the international community to finally recognize that Hamas cannot be trusted to uphold any agreement. The group is committed to a last‑stand ideology – much like Hitler in his bunker – regardless of how many civilians in Gaza suffer or die as a result.
A growing number of Gaza’s so‑called “journalists” (quite a few of whom are in fact militants with extensive evidence tying them to armed groups), “activists,” and online humanitarians are finally revealing the extent of their fraudulent work and corrupt narratives. As Gazans grow fed up with Hamas and push for the June 26 protests demanding an end to its rule, these same personalities are now inciting against ordinary Palestinians who want change.
The very people who had cameras ready for every Israeli strike, who filled Western feeds with dramatic footage and fiery commentary, are now silent at best – and at worst, demonizing and inciting against the fellow Gazans they once claimed to champion. The “pro‑Palestine” movement in the West, which uncritically elevated these figures as authentic voices, is watching its heroes parrot Hamas’s talking points: branding promoters of the protests as spies, collaborators, traitors, and agents of chaos.
For years, these Gaza‑based “influencers” pushed the “resistance” narrative to Western audiences because that’s what was in demand, while refusing to acknowledge Hamas’s abuses: aid theft, beatings, shootings, thuggery, hiding in hospitals, fighting from civilian areas. They said nothing against the terror group even as Gazans themselves took immense risks to speak out. Meanwhile, many of these same personalities leveraged the suffering of their own people to build brands, raise millions, launch businesses, steal donations, and in some cases leave Gaza for new lives abroad – all while opposing that very option for other Gazans to supposedly prevent ethnic cleansing.
These are the fraudulent “heroes” so many believed without question. Whether or not the June 26th protests are successful is irrelevant – pay close attention to those who support Gazans’ freedom from Hamas and those who oppose it.
@PabloCardelino@imtransito Probaste entrar a Sarmiento viniendo de Luis de Latorre donde paran ambulancias de SUAT? O cruzar Maldonado viniendo por Magallanes donde el cruce no es a 90 grados y no se puede ver qué viene?
Will Europe Save Hamas in Gaza? I recently met with a high-ranking European official from a country deeply involved in the Israel and Palestine file to discuss Gaza’s future and immediate options for relieving civilians trapped under Hamas’s grip. I presented a simple proposal: create safe zones across the "Yellow Line" into the Israel‑controlled green zone and support new, organized, secure, Hamas‑free communities where Gazans could finally begin rebuilding their lives. Whether the issue is humane living conditions, deradicalization, education, healthcare, or shielding civilians from both Hamas or Israeli strikes, the green zone is the only place where meaningful action is possible. Instead of engaging, the official launched into a long monologue about their country’s contributions to the Palestinian Authority, UNRWA, and other institutions, all while insisting on their own “humility” as a faraway European nation.
Then came the truly alarming part: a casual normalization of Hamas. The official proudly described how easy it had been to work with Hamas before October 7, praising the group for providing “excellent security” and being “easier to work with than others.” What they called pragmatism was, in reality, a twenty‑year pattern of enabling a violent terrorist organization responsible for immense civilian suffering.
When I explained that any Hamas‑free zones would require vetting at the Yellow Line to prevent weapons or operatives from entering, the official reacted with shock. “This vetting would violate international law,” they repeated, insisting that their country could not fund projects with any checks on who enters. I noted the absurdity: I had undergone extensive vetting just to enter their country, and even this building, yet they believed Hamas fighters should be able to walk into new civilian safe zones unimpeded. Their only response was vague appeals to “international law,” which, in their interpretation, seems to require allowing terrorists to hide among civilians.
The meeting ended on an even more surreal note. When the official asked what would happen to Hamas fighters left in the red zone, I said I didn’t care; they could fight the Israeli military on their own all they wanted once they no longer held two million civilians hostage. The official lamented that “this isn’t the old American West” and expressed concern for what would happen to Hamas without human shields. Disgust doesn’t begin to describe my feelings and reactions.
I left convinced of something long suspected: Hamas’s twenty‑year rule was sustained not only by its own brutality but by an ecosystem of NGOs, donor nations, Western European governments, journalists, academics, activists, lawyers, and even self‑styled human‑rights defenders who normalized Hamas, treated it as a legitimate authority, or tolerated its abuses because their hostility toward Israel outweighed their concern for Gazans.
The United Nations and Hamas: A Toxic Relationship? A close friend of mine from Gaza City, tortured nearly to death by Hamas, a well‑known activist against the group, and someone I helped evacuate during the war, was featured in the UN Human Rights Council’s report documenting Hamas’s abuses against Palestinian civilians: executions, torture, beatings, the misuse of medical facilities, and the terrorizing of women and children.
When he met with the UN investigation team, one investigator was openly sympathetic to Hamas and the “resistance” narrative, signaling from the start that she doubted his testimony. He then spent five hours convincing the rest of the team that Hamas had, in fact, tortured him, despite extensive evidence of his injuries circulating on social media and a medical examination confirming blunt‑force trauma consistent with organized abuse, not random violence or Israeli bombardment. He even had to walk the investigators, including Ms. pro‑Hamas, through how his case fits into hundreds of others across Gaza, and how Hamas itself has filmed and publicly released its own executions, beatings, and torture to terrorize the population.
Imagine that: Hamas documenting its own crimes on video, and supposedly serious investigators refusing to believe what is right in front of them. Imagine a human rights inquiry that includes someone openly aligned with the very group under investigation. It forces a hard question: why are parts of the UN system so compromised when it comes to Hamas that they cannot think beyond Israel’s actions long enough to examine the crimes of Palestinian actors, crimes that are equally harmful, shameful, and deserving of condemnation? And why are some so eager to believe Palestinians when the accusation is against Israel, yet so reluctant when the accusation is against Hamas, even when the evidence is overwhelming?
Hamas is in full panic mode over the June 26 calls for mass protests against its violent, authoritarian, fascistic rule in Gaza. It has unleashed its agents, operatives, loyalists posing as “journalists,” West Bank activists, online propagandists, and terror networks to incite violence, demand a crackdown, and even organize counter‑demonstrations.
Hamas is circulating flyers calling for protests demanding the resignation of Nikolay Mladenov, the Board of Peace executive committee chair overseeing the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza (NCAG), after he criticized Hamas’s stalling and obstruction. Even worse, Hamas supporters in the West Bank, including the vile “journalist” Souad al‑Khawaja, are openly calling for the killing of anyone who protests against the terror group and its “resistance.” Expect the same from Western “pro‑Palestine” circles in Europe and the US: they will smear anti‑Hamas protesters as “collaborators,” “traitors,” “Israeli agents,” or “suspicious individuals.” We saw this during the war, when thousands of Gazans demanded the release of hostages and an end to the conflict Hamas ignited.
Watch closely how the most anti‑Palestinian elements of the “pro‑Palestine” cult will once again find any excuse to side with Hamas over the actual people of Gaza.
Por qué considero que es tan grave este episodio y entiendo que el presidente está obligado a dar muchas explicaciones:
👉 Porque el descuento que obtiene de US$ 25.000 es un beneficio significativo. No le regalaron las alfombras ni le dieron gratis el primer service. Es una "atención" mayor que no es compatible con el cargo que estaba a punto de asumir. Será legal, será ilegal, pero lo que es clarísimo es que está mal y no hay manera de justificarlo en el terreno de la ética.
👉 En este caso hay un agravante, que el propio Presidente tendría que haberlo tenido en cuenta antes de firmar esa compra. Quien le da esa "atención" al mandatario, una semana después recibe un beneficio público, tangible, cuantioso y que es fruto de una decisión arbitraria del presidente y su equipo de transición. La marca Hyundai fue elegida en el momento de la transición para simbolizar la movilidad eléctrica como política pública (algo que desde que asumió, el gobierno solo avanzó en su desmantelamiento, pero eso es otro tema). Una cobertura periodística generalizada poniendo el foco en el Hyundai Ioniq 5 que iba a llevar al presidente y a la vice de un punto a otro, la preparación del vehículo, el valor simbólico que el propio gobierno entrante cargó de narrativa y una cobertura en cadena nacional que durante más de media hora tuvo al vehículo como protagonista y que si hubiera que pasarla a pesos, costaría mucho más de US$ 25.000.
👉 Quiero hacer énfasis en el punto de la arbitrariedad. El equipo de Orsi decidió ir por Hyundai y no por BYD, por Geely, por Dongfeng o por Chevrolet. Y ese proceso de decisión fue absolutamente opaco. No sabemos qué ofreció cada concesionario, no sabemos quiénes fueron invitados a proponer sus vehículos ni en qué condiciones, no sabemos qué se tuvo en cuenta ni quién fue el responsable de esa decisión. Porque además, Hyundai no es la opción inmediata ni evidente. Solo ofrece en Uruguay autos eléctricos de gama media-alta y alta que tenían (y siguen teniendo) una participación marginal en el mercado de los eléctricos. No es representativa del cambio tecnológico, como son otras marcas y concesionarios. En lo eléctrico es marca de lujo. Y no es un Tesla, que universalmente está cargada de cierta legitimidad por más que sea igual de privativa. Creo que a esta altura es necesaria una explicación muy convincente sobre este punto.
👉 Y una pregunta extra. ¿Qué hacía el presidente cambiando el auto la semana antes de asumir? No conozco a nadie que tome una decisión de ese estilo en momentos en los cuales las prioridades deberían estar en otro lado. Mudarse, cambiar de auto, planificar un viaje, hacer crecer la familia. Ninguna de esas deberían ser decisiones que ocupen el tiempo y la energía de cualquier individuo que está a una semana de asumir un mandato presidencial. Creo que eso ya de por sí habla del presidente y no en el mejor sentido.
👉 La última y sé que es un tema delicado. A mi juicio, de no existir una respuesta rápida y convincente por parte del presidente, este episodio puede llegar a ser un punto de inflexión para su imagen pública. Porque parte del activo político de Orsi se construye sobre la imagen de cercanía, sencillez y humildad que de manera acertada supo proyectar y capitalizar. La compra de un vehículo de US$ 79.000, de por sí, hace que esa construcción se resquebraje. Con el agravante que fue a una semana de asumir y en circunstancias difíciles de explicar. Pero la adquisición de un bien suntuoso de esas características no se condice con el estilo de vida y las capacidades financieras que declara y muestra públicamente el presidente. El auto vale la mitad que la casa en donde vive y representa 18 meses íntegros de ingresos de los que declara que percibió su hogar en los últimos años. No se endeuda. Lo paga taca taca. La discusión de "con qué" es de segundo orden, pero está también presente. Porque no es un gusto caro. No es un capricho culposo. Es una decisión financiera inaccesible para alguien que vive en las condiciones que el presidente declaró e hizo gala. Y esa inconsistencia pega más duro cuando es un presidente que pertenece a un sector del Frente Amplio como el MPP, que pone la humildad y la austeridad en lo alto de la escala de valores, con la figura de José Mujica como máximo exponente. Es simplemente incompatible una cosa con la otra. Y eso más de un dirigente y militante, aunque sea por privado, seguro que se lo está haciendo notar.
@LTCPeterLerner@SkyNews@AlexCrawfordSky Given the man mentioned the UK, he could have mentioned all the area was a colony of the British empire not long ago. And many of them problems were inherited from that era.
@LinorDeutsch@LTCPeterLerner התעמולה של מר מוחיקה ניצלה בדיוק את זה - מכרו אותו בחו"ל כנשיא הפילוסוף והצנוע הגדול. הוא אפילו היה לו תוכנית ב-Deutsche Welle.
@LinorDeutsch@LTCPeterLerner העסקאות הגרועות ביותר עם ההפסדים הגדולים ביותר למדינה. אני יודע שקשה להבין את זה למי שלא חי כאן, אבל תמיד קשה להבין את הפוליטיקה הפנימית של מדינה רחוקה מבחוץ.
@licandro1 hay que ver que las tasas probablemente suban en todos ladosa con el aumento del precio del petroleo, asi que los diferenciales serìa lo que importa.
Mujer iraní en Suecia:
“La pedofilia es legal en la República Islámica de Irán. Las niñas pequeñas son casadas con hombres adultos.
Estamos tratando de crear conciencia, pero las feministas occidentales nos están ignorando por completo.”
Es bueno entender también que lo que el mercado de bonos está gritando es que la FED no le queda otra que subir la tasa de interes este 2026, a pesar de que el banco sigue diciendo deberia bajar la tasa una vez más. Veremos si el nuevo presidente, Kevin Warsh, aclara que opina cuando tome posesión el viernes.